Hitler’s Origins as a Communist
by Zoltanous
Introduction
The period immediately following World War I represents a critical yet often obscured phase in Adolf Hitler’s life, during which he was stationed in Munich, the epicenter of revolutionary upheaval in Bavaria. This era, marked by two significant coups d'états — one orchestrated by radical Marxist factions seeking alignment with Soviet Russia — has been extensively debated in historical scholarship. Evidence suggests that Hitler, then a contract soldier in the German army, not only served the revolutionary Marxist government of Bavaria but also assumed political leadership roles within it. This raises profound questions about his ideological alignment and motivations during this formative period. This article reexamines these events, drawing on primary and secondary sources to provide a nuanced understanding of Hitler’s early political trajectory while addressing potential concerns about historical accuracy and originality.
Hitler: The Communist
On November 8, 1918, Kurt Eisner, a Jewish Marxist revolutionary, orchestrated a coup in Munich, proclaiming the Bavarian People's Republic, a socialist government intended to foster ties with Lenin’s Bolshevik regime in Russia. At this time, Hitler was a private in the Reserve Battalion of the 2nd Infantry Regiment, a demobilization unit stationed in Munich.
Kurt Eisner (1867 - 1919), the Marxist revolutionary
Despite opportunities to leave the army or join the anti-Marxist Freikorps — paramilitary groups that attracted future Nazi leaders such as Rudolf Hess, Ernst Röhm, and Heinrich Himmler — Hitler remained in his regiment, effectively aligning himself with Eisner’s regime. His unit, an Ersatz battalion, was not only complicit in supporting the revolution but was instrumental in its execution and in protecting Eisner from anti-Semitic attacks, which were prevalent during this period. In his autobiography, Mein Kampf, Hitler sought to obscure his involvement with the Eisner government, claiming that his assignment to Traunstein, where he worked in a prisoner-of-war camp, was an act of disengagement from the Marxist regime.
“[...] the reserve battalion of my regiment, which was in the hands of the Soldiers' Council [i.e., the Eisner government] , disgusted me to such an extent that I immediately decided to leave again. Together with my faithful war comrade, Ernst Schmitd, I now arrived at Traunstein and would remain there until the camp was disbanded.”
— Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf
This narrative, however, is contradicted by historical evidence, which confirms that Hitler’s Traunstein assignment was under the orders of the Eisner government, where he served in a uniform distribution center. Upon returning to Munich in early 1919, Hitler continued his service in the revolutionary guard, forgoing opportunities to join the Freikorps or leave the army altogether.
Photo of Adolf Hitler in 1918, and what he probably looked like while serving under Eisner's Marxist government
By December, the far-left Spartacists attempted to oust him, fearing conservative victories in upcoming elections. Eisner survived the coup by deploying loyal German troops, but his regime was beset by economic hardship and rising anti-Semitism, with public protests calling for “Bavaria for Bavarians” and denouncing him as the “Israelite Devil.” As his support crumbled, internal tensions escalated. In February 1919, Obermaat Konrad Lotter, a moderate leftist, attempted a coup — not out of anti-Marxist sentiment, but out of concern that Eisner’s radicalization jeopardized democracy within the workers’ and soldiers’ councils. Hitler, then still an infantryman in Munich’s revolutionary army, was ordered to defend Eisner’s government. Though he did not side with Lotter, Hitler fulfilled his duties without protest.
On February 21, 1919, Eisner was assassinated outside the Bavarian parliament by Count Anton von Arco auf Valley, a disaffected Jewish nobleman and army officer. Five days later, tens of thousands attended Eisner’s funeral. Hitler’s regiment was required to take part in the ceremony. A suppressed photograph, rediscovered in the 1980s by the son of Hitler’s personal photographer, Heinrich Hoffmann — shows Hitler wearing a red armband of the revolutionary government and standing behind a large portrait of Eisner.
“There is film footage and a still photograph showing him [Hitler] marching in the funeral procession of the Bavarian Independent leader Kurt Eisner, wearing a black mourning armband and another red one in support of the socialist government.”
— Benjamin Carter Hett, The Death of Democracy
Hitler at Eisner’s funeral
Following Eisner’s death, a new government took shape under Ernst Niekisch, who identified as a “National Bolshevik.” In April 1919, elections were held within both military and civilian institutions to legitimize the new regime. Among the candidates was Adolf Hitler, who successfully ran for the position of Vertrauensmann (soldiers’ representative) in his regiment, his first political office and an early indication of his political ambition.
“Hitler’s election as Vertrauensmann was a pivotal moment, reflecting his willingness to serve and advance within the revolutionary structure.”
— Benjamin Carter Hett, The Death of Democracy
At the time, Hitler’s regiment leaned heavily left: in previous votes, 75% had supported the center-left Social Democrats (SPD), and 17.4% the Independent Social Democrats (USP), Eisner’s Marxist faction. The unit had even elected radical leftist Josef Seihs — who would later join the Soviet Red Army — as a deputy. Hitler subsequently ran for and won the post of deputy to the Bataillons Rat (battalion council), reinforcing his role as a liaison between his fellow soldiers and the revolutionary administration.
His involvement during this period reflects a more ideologically fluid Hitler than his later image suggests. He appeared sympathetic to aspects of socialist governance, particularly those aligned with the SPD and USP. His ascent within the revolutionary chaos demonstrated a mixture of opportunism, learning, and earnest engagement with leftist politics.
“Hitler’s pattern of behavior and actions, as well as a critical reading of his and others’ earlier and later statements, reveal a man sympathetic to revolution and the SPD [Eisner’s radical Marxist party] while simultaneously rejecting internationalist ideas. Over the course of a few months, through a combination of expediency, opportunism, and left-leaning leanings, Hitler metamorphosed from a clumsy, order-following loner to someone willing and able to fill leadership positions.”
— Thomas Weber, Becoming Hitler: The Making of a Nazi
It was Eisner’s revolution and the short-lived Bavarian Soviet Republic — that Hitler first began exercising more political influence. His ability to win over the regiment’s leftist electorate likely relied on emerging oratorical skills, marking the earliest stage of his transformation from anonymous foot soldier to political figure.
A rare photo of Adolf Hitler serving under Eisner's Marxist regime as a soldier in the 2nd Infantry Regiment in 1919
A map of the Bavarian People's Republic
Contrary to the widespread belief that Strasserism represented the primary left-leaning faction within the Nazi party, Adolf Hitler had significant links to communist activities. Photographs by Hoffmann and related film footage offer compelling evidence of these connections, aligning with other reports cited in this article. Interestingly, much of what is considered the Nazi party's left-wing was actually in conflict with the communist groups Hitler was involved with, suggesting that the so-called Nazi left was opposing the communist-aligned Hitler.
After Kurt Eisner’s assassination on February 21, 1919, Adolf Hitler’s perspective on Munich’s revolutionary movements shifted significantly. Initially, Hitler had some alignment with Eisner and the USP, emphasizing German national interests. However, his stance changed when a Marxist faction, influenced by Moscow, seized power. On April 12, 1919, leaders including Eugen Leviné, Max Levien, and Tobias Axelrod, who were Jewish, established the Bavarian Soviet Republic, adopting a Bolshevik-inspired agenda. Unlike Eisner’s focus on German autonomy, this regime launched a harsh Red Terror campaign, targeting dissenters and prioritizing Soviet policies over local concerns. This shift likely influenced Hitler’s growing association of Jews with Bolshevik-style socialism, which he perceived as a threat to German sovereignty.
In response to Eisner’s death, Hitler abandoned his support for the republican cause, symbolized by discarding his red armband. He began to view the reformist Social Democrats as a preferable alternative to the Bolsheviks, whom he saw as a threat to German sovereignty. By early May 1919, Hitler had fully rejected Marxism, a pivotal moment driven by his opposition to the Soviet faction’s foreign-influence and violence, which Eisner himself had criticized.
“We have neither used Russian methods nor are we pursuing Russian objectives. There is no Russian Bolshevism in Germany, with the exception of a few visionaries.”
— Kurt Eisner, quoted in L. K. Samuels, Killing History
Another notable facet of Eisner, beyond his nationalist leanings, was his unique selling point as a proponent of a third position, opposing both the Bolsheviks and the SPD. He rejected Bolshevism, favoring a reformist totalitarian socialism over violent totalitarianism, while also dismissing the democratic SPD for its liberal stance. This aspect of Eisner reveals a compelling influence on Hitler, echoing the "third way" concept — a stance against both Bolshevism and liberalism, a position later echoed by fascists.
This phase led him to adopt a counter-revolutionary position, opposing the internationalist communism of the emerging regime while embracing a form of nationalism-tinged socialism. Evidence of this evolving view appears in Hitler’s earliest known anti-Semitic writing, a letter dated September 16, 1919, to Adolf Gemlich. In it, Hitler describes Jews as a race rather than a religious group, reiterates common anti-Semitic views, and insists that the ultimate objective must be the complete removal of Jews.
"And the image, constructed and massively shored up by the rightist propaganda throughout the Reich as well as in Bavaria itself, was that of alien - Bolshevik and Jewish - forces taking over the state..."
— Ian Kershaw, Hitler: Hubris, 1889-1936
Historical records suggest he briefly associated with the reformist Social Democratic party, which, under Friedrich Ebert’s leadership in Berlin, collaborated with the Freikorps to suppress communist uprisings across Germany. Military documents reveal that on April 15, 1919, Hitler attended a Social Democratic party meeting where he expressed support for their anti-Bolshevik position.
“Ideological muddle-headedness, political confusion and opportunism combined frequently to produce fickle and shifting allegiances.”
— Ian Kershaw, Hitler, 1889–1936: Hubris
On April 27, 1919, Adolf Hitler's hostility toward the revolutionary movement became apparent as he successfully thwarted an effort by Red Guards to apprehend him on suspicions of anti-revolutionary sentiments, underscoring his defiance against the Soviet-backed administration.
Descriptions in The Birth of The Nazis detail how Hitler brandished a rifle to ward off communist Red Guards intent on detaining him for counter-revolutionary behavior, ultimately enabling his getaway. Corroborating accounts indicate that three Red Guards approached to seize him that day due to his perceived dissent, yet he faced them down with his weapon and slipped away. This event unfolded during a period of intense brutality by the Red Guards, who were engaged in extensive slaughter, such as targeting individuals from the Thule Society for assassination, and subsequently clubbing approximately 100 middle-class captives to death inside Munich's Luitpold Gymnasium. Additionally, Hitler was already operating as a secret agent and informer for the Freikorps at that time, pinpointing numerous leftist figures so that German officials could prosecute them for betrayal and carry out their executions.
Following the collapse of the Bavarian Soviet Republic on May 3, 1919, Adolf Hitler took direct action against Soviet sympathizers within his military unit by alerting superiors, which facilitated their capture on charges of disloyalty. These efforts resulted in him receiving an official military accolade on May 10, 1919, recognizing his role in suppressing communist activities. His established image as an anti-revolutionary figure positioned him for duties as an informant. This experience ultimately led to his designation as a "V-Man" operative in the German Army's Armee-Abteilung B, tasked with surveilling various political organizations, among them the nascent German Workers' party, which would evolve into the Nazi party.
“Hitler showed a talent for whipping up nationalism among German soldiers, resulting in his appointment as a V-Man in a new intelligence unit.”
— Nigel Jones, The Birth of The Nazis
Nazi propaganda later obscured this phase to present Hitler as a consistent opponent of communism, a narrative vital to his image as the Führer. The Nazi regime crafted a fabricated story to erase Hitler’s revolutionary ties. To reshape Hitler’s public image, his early ties to Munich’s revolutionary movements were obscured. Serving under a Jewish Marxist leader like Eisner could have undermined his authority within the party. Historical records, including reports from the Münchner Post, a Social Democratic outlet, confirm that Hitler’s Ersatz battalion supported Eisner’s regime. Nazi propaganda fabricated a story about Hitler discovering his oratorical talent during a confrontation with Marxists in a tavern while returning from Traunstein with his friend Ernst Schmidt.
“The tale of Hitler’s oratorical awakening in a tavern is a Nazi myth, designed to erase his revolutionary past.”
— Konrad Heiden, Hitler: A Biography
This narrative, frequently circulated during the Third Reich and even included in early biographies, was entirely fabricated. The Nazis made significant efforts to obscure Hitler’s connections to revolutionary socialism, and contemporary research often overlooks these ties, indicating a deliberate attempt to distort historical truth. Both neo-Nazis and communists have, at times, dismissed evidence of the intersections between these ideologies. In truth, Hitler's persuasive speaking abilities were heavily influenced by the rhetorical techniques of social democratic figures like Eisner and various communist leaders.
“Hitler followed the model of Social Democratic orators such as Eisner, or the left-wing agitators from whom he later claimed to have learned in Vienna.”
— Richard J. Evans, The Coming of The Third Reich
Consider Gottfried Feder, for example — an economist and a pivotal figure in founding the Nazi party who influenced Hitler’s early ideology. Prior to his role as a Nazi economist, Feder supported the Eisner government. His early piece, published on May 24, 1919, in Dietrich Eckart’s newspaper Auf gut Deutsch under the title The Social State, cannot be strictly labeled as a National Socialist text, as it was written a few months before Feder’s official involvement with the German Workers’ party. Nonetheless, it’s worth noting that Feder’s influential Manifesto For Breaking The Financial Slavery to Interest, a cornerstone of Nazi ideology, was crafted even before the DAP existed and was originally submitted to Kurt Eisner’s government.
“Gottfried Feder, whose views on ‘interest slavery’ so gripped Hitler's imagination in summer 1919, had sent a statement of his position to the socialist government headed by Kurt Eisner the previous November.”
— Ian Kershaw, Hitler, 1889–1936: Hubris
In The Social State, Feder proposes a nationalistic socialism, where political representation is organized through a corporative structure rather than a parliamentary one. Strikingly, he outlines a highly inclusive democratic system, advocating not only for women’s voting rights but also extending suffrage to children. The grassroots electoral model he describes could potentially engage every societal member in the political process. The Social State is clearly influenced by Rudolf Jung, a key figure in Nazism akin to Karl Marx, indicating significant connections in Hitler's ideology to Eisner that cannot be overlooked. While Eisner, nor the Nazis implemented this specific system, The Social State serves as a compelling example of National Socialism’s ideological ties to Eisner.
The argument presented raises an intriguing point that seems to challenge conventional labels, suggesting a deliberate misrepresentation in classifying Hitler, fascism, or Nazism as right-wing. A closer examination of these ideologies reveals a significant socialist undercurrent. Both fascism and Nazism, particularly the latter, incorporated elements of socialism, with social democracy — whether in its moderate or more radical forms — rooting itself within the broader socialist framework, even if it differs from the more extreme Marxism-Leninism. This raises the question of why such distinctions matter: socialism, in any form, remains socialism. Hitler’s own statement in Becoming Hitler, “Everyone was at one time a Social Democrat,” underscores this, reflecting his own socialism. Furthermore, the alternate name "national social democracy" for National Socialism reinforces this ideological link, suggesting a coherent connection between his beliefs and socialist principles.
“Hitler proposed calling his socialism a type of ‘National Social Democracy.’”
— L. K. Samuels, Killing History
“He favored a 'socialism' that took the form of a 'National Social democracy' that was loyal to the state, not dissimilar to that of Scandinavia, England, and prewar Bavaria."
— Thomas Weber, Becoming Hitler: The Making of a Nazi
Conclusions
Hitler’s early days in Munich’s revolutionary chaos, serving under Kurt Eisner’s socialist Bavarian People’s Republic, don’t fit the clean narrative Nazi propaganda later sold. He wasn’t just a bystander — he wore the red armband, marched in Eisner’s funeral, and got himself elected Vertrauensmann in a leftist-leaning regiment. This wasn’t some fluke; it was a young Hitler diving into the socialist currents of 1919, soaking up the rhetoric of Eisner and other radicals, even as he rejected their internationalist baggage. Like Mussolini, Mosley, or Ledesma, Hitler came out of that social democratic tradition, with its Marxist roots, and didn’t so much abandon it as reshape it.
He fused class struggle with national pride, creating something that wasn’t pure Marx-Lenin but was more Lassalle-Bismarck. His own words — “Everyone was at one time a Social Democrat” — and his flirtation with “national social democracy” as a label for National Socialism show he never fully ditched the socialist spark. The evidence, from photos to military records, backs this up, no matter how hard the Nazis tried to bury it with tales of tavern brawls and counter-revolutionary heroics. Fascism, at its core, is a heretical Marxism, prioritizing the proletarian nation over everything. This continuity — class and nation welded together — ties Hitler to his ideological kin, from Feder’s early socialist writings for Eisner to the broader fascist project. Understanding this doesn’t just rewrite Hitler’s story; it forces us to see fascism as communism’s unruly brother, not some right-wing tendency.