The Labour Humanism of Fascism
by Heisvi
Fascism's nuanced engagement with labor-oriented humanist ideals, aimed at reducing the sense of separation that workers often feel from their labor's outcome, represents an intricate aspect of its Corporatist economic philosophy that is infrequently examined. This facet has intellectual ties to Karl Marx's foundational ideas, where the humanistic underpinnings are overshadowed by a dominant materialist narrative, one that his colleague Friedrich Engels and subsequent Marxist-Leninist authorities in the Soviet Union propagated, yet they are essential for a full grasp of his initial propositions.
Marx argued that labor, despite being a fundamental characteristic of human life, paradoxically estranges individuals from their authentic selves. It transforms from a potential avenue of self-actualization into a burdensome necessity for survival. This view sharply contrasts with traditional views valorizing labor as a means of enhancing human dignity and identity. Marx asserted that true human expression lies not within the confines of labor but in primal, uninhibited activities outside the realm of work. The communist vision aimed to resolve this paradox, envisioning a world where work is not a source of estrangement but a conduit to true self-realization and human development.
“First, the fact that labor is external to the worker, i.e., it does not belong to his intrinsic nature; that in his work, therefore, he does not affirm himself but denies himself, does not feel content but unhappy, does not develop freely his physical and mental energy but mortifies his body and ruins his mind. The worker therefore only feels himself outside his work, and in his work feels outside himself. He feels at home when he is not working, and when he is working he does not feel at home. His labor is therefore not voluntary, but coerced; it is forced labor. It is therefore not the satisfaction of a need; it is merely a means to satisfy needs external to it. It’s alien character emerges clearly in the fact that as soon as no physical or other compulsion exists, Labor is shunned like a plague. External labor, Labor in which man alienates himself, is a labor of self-sacrifice, of mortification.
As a result, therefore, man (the worker) only feels himself freely active in his animal functions — eating, drinking, procreating, or at most in his dwelling and in dressing up, etc.; and in his human functions he no longer feels himself to be anything but an animal. What is animal becomes human and what is human becomes animal.”
— Karl Marx, Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844
Revolutionary Syndicalists enriched the dialogue on worker alienation by proposing a labor-focused humanism, which marked a departure from Karl Marx's materialist perspective. They shifted the discourse toward a range of anti-rationalist ideologies. Among these were vitalism, which underscores the significance of biological processes in the essence of life; pragmatism, which holds practical outcomes as the key to understanding meaning, truth, or worth; and idealism, which argues that the essence of reality is either mental or non-material.
Taking a psychological perspective on alienation, these Syndicalists posited that the solution did not rest in altering the fabric of society but rather in addressing the subjective experiences and mental frameworks of individual workers. One influential thinker in this tradition was Antonio Labriola, who contended that worker engagement in governance and the decision-making of their workplaces could mitigate the sense of estrangement from their labor. Labriola maintained that by actively participating, workers would develop a feeling of investment and control, combating the dehumanizing effects of mass industrial production and reconnecting them with the fruits of their labor.
“The capitalist principle of organization makes capitalism look like a boss and capital like an intellectual force of domination, that is, like something transcendent to the body of workers. That is the essential fact which sets workers against capitalists. The capitalist looks like a boss and the workers seem like a mass of slaves. Since intelligence and the power of organization and direction are extraneous to the body of workers, the latter appear to be more automations in the hand of capital.”
— Arturo Labriola quoted in The Birth of Fascist Ideology by Zeev Sternhell
Building on the psychological approach to worker alienation, the ideology of Corporatism evolved as a natural extension, dovetailing with an emphasis on productivity and a rejection of class conflict. This conceptual path resonated with intellectuals such as Henri de Man, known for his Ethical Socialism. De Man distanced himself from the traditional Marxist emphasis on class struggle, advocating for a variant of Socialism that was deeply rooted in moral values.
He adopted an elitist viewpoint, placing considerable weight on the psychological dimensions of societal structures and the importance of moral directives in cultivating a socialist society based on cooperation. De Man's theories proposed that grounding societal reform in ethical considerations could pave the way for a more cohesive social fabric, one that minimizes discord and promotes a shared commitment to collective well-being and efficiency. His thoughts contributed to the broader conversation about reconfiguring social systems not just through economic restructuring, but also by inculcating a sense of moral responsibility and unity.
“The social inferiority of the working classes’ is due neither to a lack of political equality nor to the existing economic structure, ‘but to a psychological condition.’”
— Henri de Man quoted in The 'Anti-Materialist' Revision of Marxism as an Aspect of The Rise of Fascist Ideology by Zeev Sternhell
The philosophy that labor is a crucial element for self-improvement and an often neglected aspect of cultural life was perhaps most eloquently expressed by Giovanni Gentile. He posited that the realm of cultural development, traditionally the domain of intellectual pursuits, should be expanded to encompass all forms of labor. Gentile's perspective was that labor is not merely a means to an end but a foundational component of personal and cultural development. Each individual's work contributes to the larger tapestry of society's culture, enhancing collective human experience.
By advocating that all labor is a cultural activity, Gentile elevated the status of work beyond the economic sphere, framing it as a vehicle for self-expression and self-realization. This view aligns with the broader humanist principle that every human activity, including labor, has the potential to contribute to the enrichment of the human spirit and society. In this light, labor transcends its economic function and becomes a form of personal artistry and communal contribution, asserting that every worker has the potential to be an artisan in their right, crafting not only goods or services but also their character and societal culture through the act of work.
“To the humanism of culture, which was indeed a glorious step in the liberation of man, there succeeds today or will succeed tomorrow the humanism of labor. For the creation of great industry and the advance of the worker onto the great stage of history have profoundly modified the modern conception of culture. The word used to mean intellectual culture, and especially art and literature; it left out of a count the vast segment of humanity who did not raise their eyes toward the free horizon of the higher culture, but work at the foundation of human culture, where man is in contact with nature, and labors.”
— Giovanni Gentile quoted in The Social Philosophy of Giovanni Gentile by H. S. Harris
Labor was to be elevated from a mere economic necessity to an art form. In the Fascist vision of the state, labor would become a medium through which workers could achieve spiritual growth and fulfillment. The state was imagined as a place where the act of working was not just a means of livelihood but a path to personal development and enrichment. This reimagining sought to integrate the worker's identity and contributions into the very fabric of the nation, creating an environment where work was synonymous with cultural and spiritual elevation.
“The State can no longer be thought of as the State of the citizen (or of the man and the citizen) as in the days of the French Revolution; it is and it should be the State of the workers. The real man, the man who counts, is the man who works, and who’s worth is measured by his work. For it is indeed true that value is labour; and a man’s worth is to be measured according to the quantity and quality of his work.”
— Giovanni Gentile, Genesis and Structure of Society
The envisioned Fascist State was conceived as a bastion for the working class. As articulated by Sergio Panunzio, Italy aspired to transform into a Labor Empire, one that would stand in stark contrast to the established monetary empires of the wealth-centric, plutocratic nations such as Britain, France, and America. This new empire would be underpinned by the valorization of work and the worker, rather than the accumulation of capital. The Fascist regime aimed to redefine national greatness, shifting the focus from financial wealth to the dignity of labor and the moral and social strength of its labor force.
“Panunzio identified Fascism‘s mission as creating a corporativist, organic, centralized, and authoritarian “empire of labor,” designed to replace the “empire of gold” created by the advanced capitalist, plutocratic Anglo-American powers.”
— A. James Gregor, Mussolini’s Intellectuals
In this proposed Labor Empire, the value of human toil would be paramount, and the state's role was to ensure that labor was not exploited but celebrated as the driving force of the nation's prosperity. The Fascist regime posited that through this elevation of labor, Italy would not only differentiate itself from other capitalist societies but also create a more cohesive and robust social order. The intention was to cultivate a society where the worker was not a mere cog in the industrial machine but a valued contributor to a grander national purpose.
Ultimately, the core of Corporatism can be fully comprehended when viewed through the lens of labor humanism. This philosophy underpins the conception of a Workers' State that seeks to transcend the traditional economic role of labor, addressing the pervasive issue of worker alienation. Corporatism advocates for a society in which work serves as a conduit for both individual growth and societal cohesion. It seeks to foster a unified sense of purpose, beyond mere economic output, with the state acting as both a facilitator and guardian of the symbiotic relationship between labor and the broader community. Through this model, the state assumes a pivotal role in harmonizing labor dynamics, ensuring that the intrinsic value and contributions of workers are integrated into the very fabric of the economic and social structure.
“Whoever sees in corporatism only an economic conception or solely political economy, fails to understand it. This economic revolution completes the spiritual development of the individual and society.”
— Benito Mussolini quoted in The Birth of Fascist Ideology by Zeev Sternhell