Why North Korean Is Fascistic

by Zoltanous and Judas

There is a persistent intrigue among different circles about the commonly accepted view of North Korea. It is often depicted as a real-life version of George Orwell's vision of a totalitarian nightmare, having strayed from its communist roots and suppressing basic freedoms. Some even regard it as yet another example of a failed communist regime. While these interpretations may seem reasonable without a thorough understanding of North Korea and its essence, it is crucial to recognize the substantial lack of concrete information about the country's actual conditions. This leads to the question: why is there such a gap in our knowledge? The reports and insights we receive about North Korea are often presented through a distorting prism, woven into the fabric of our daily misinformation.

As a result, grasping the truth about the situation on the northern side of the Korean peninsula is elusive without delving into independent investigation. Juche, North Korea's prevailing ideology, diverges significantly from traditional Marxist-Leninist ideology, reshaping many foundational Marxist concepts and establishing a unique ideological stance. Some might even argue that it borders on a variant of Fascism. This argument gains some support from the statements of the nation's founder, Kim Il Sung:

The foremost goal of the Juche Idea is to advance the unification of the Korean nation through a specialized socialist model that is deeply rooted in Korean philosophical traditions. This philosophy is dedicated to improving societal and national circumstances through a system that rewards merit. It underscores the significance of preserving national sovereignty and promotes a distinctive brand of nationalism. While it encompasses an internationalist perspective, it does not abandon national borders or cultural heritage. Juche philosophy posits that true internationalism, characterized by cooperative relationships between nations, is unattainable if national identities dissolve. Therefore, the existence of nationalism is considered essential.

Kim Jong Il has offered his insights on this subject:

Kim Jong Il articulates that within the Juche philosophy, a form of nationalism is embraced that differs from the pure internationalism found in traditional Marxism. He contends that authentic internationalism is predicated on the foundation of nationalism. Although Juche sets itself apart from the bourgeois nationalism by its focus on the working class, it still places high importance on the concept of the nation and the preservation of its national identity, in contrast to the classical Marxist goal of dissolving national distinctions. For Juche, internationalism involves reciprocal support, not the abolishment of nation-states. Elements of indigenous Korean religions such as Cheondoism, Shamanism, and Confucianism are woven into the fabric of Juche.

In the Juche system, society is structured in a corporatist fashion, with any challenge to the leader considered as an affront to the patriarch of a family. The state under Juche is analogized to a large familial unit with the Korean nation as its members and the leader (Kim Il Sung) as the paternal head. Thus, respect and familial-style social organization are of paramount importance. Juche is distinct from Marxist-Leninist thought, as it forges its own path of Korean-specific socialism and nationalism. This unique path was underscored by North Korea's entry into the Non-Aligned Movement in 1975, signaling a move away from the influence of Maoist China and the Soviet Union. A pivotal incident that illustrates this independence is the August Faction Incident of 1956, in which both Soviet and Chinese factions tried unsuccessfully to oust Kim Il Sung. The failure of this coup solidified Kim Il Sung's control and delineated North Korea's departure from the Sino-Soviet sphere. Additionally, Juche has elements of national syndicalism. Initially, Juche sought to amalgamate different societal classes into one cohesive, State-Socialist collective, indicative of a corporatist strategy.

“However, Kimilsungism differs from Maoism in rejecting the strategy of forming joint state-capitalist (joint state-private) enterprises in favour of forming ‘cooperatives’ in conjunction with the national capitalists.”

— Socialist Transformation of Private Trade and Industry In Korea

“Our country was the first to transform capitalist traders and manufacturers along socialist lines by using the cooperative economy… This is an original experience.”

— Socialist Transformation of Private Trade and Industry In Korea

“Comrade Kim Il Sung held that, different from some socialist countries, it was wholly unnecessary for the peaceful transformation of capitalist trade and industry to assume the form of state capitalism.”

— Kim Il Sung, Baik Bong Volume 2

“It also organized and led the socialist transformation of private commerce and industry. Taking the characteristics of the country’s capitalist commerce and industry into account, it set forth the policy of remoulding those engaged in capitalist commerce and industry without expropriating them, and applied the way of involving them in various forms of the cooperative economy, thus realizing successfully the socialist transformation of private commerce and industry. As the socialist transformation of the outdated relations of production had been completed in the urban and rural areas, the socialist system was established in Korea in 1958.”

— Understanding Workers Party of Korea

Another publication from North Korea, named Seventy Years of Brilliant Leadership, underscores the restructuring of the cooperative economic system into one that adheres to socialist principles. This shift is in keeping with the overarching goal of establishing a Corporate state.

“Thanks to the WPK’s correct lines and sagacious leadership suited to the specific conditions of the Korean revolution, socialist cooperativization in the rural areas and socialist transformation of private trade and industry were accomplished in a smooth and thoroughgoing way in four to five years after the war. In this way, a socialist system was established in the DPRK.”

— Seventy Years of Brilliant Leadership

“In accordance with its policy of agricultural cooperativization through socialist transformation of the form of the rural economy before its technical transformation of agriculture, the WPK ensured that the principle of voluntariness was strictly observed with the intensification of ideological education among peasants, and the superiority of cooperative farming was demonstrated through an experimental stage and by means of practical examples.

In the socialist transformation of private trade and industry, too, it took into account the specific character of the capitalist trade and industry in the country, followed the road of transforming the private capitalist traders and industrialists instead of expropriating them, and carried it out successfully by involving them in different forms of the cooperative economy.

With the completion of the socialist reorganization of the relations of production in urban and rural areas in a short period of four to five years thanks to the WPK’s wise leadership, an advanced socialist system where people were freed from exploitation and oppression was established in the northern half of Korea.”

— Seventy Years of Brilliant Leadership

The incorporation of a tailored version of corporatism in North Korea can be seen as a tactical move to address the specific adversities it encountered. Nonetheless, this raises a conundrum for Western Marxists: if corporatism is equated with capitalism, then deeming North Korea a capitalist nation would conflict with its self-proclaimed socialist status. Moreover, the importance of racial identity in Juche philosophy is frequently neglected or underestimated by numerous communists, even though it plays a pivotal role in the Juche framework.

“If a man is robbed of his language, he becomes a fool, and if a nation is deprived of its language, it ceases to be a nation. It is recognized worldwide that the most important characteristics of a nation are a common language and ties of blood.”

— Kim Il Sung, Principles of Life

In the Theory of The Multiracial Society, Rodong Sinmun delves into the Juche philosophy, revealing certain elements that can be interpreted as having racist and xenophobic undertones.

“A strange farce to hamstring the essential characters of the Korean nation and seek for "multiracial society" is now being held in south Korea. In this regard Rodong Sinmun today runs a signed commentary, which censures the farce as an unpardonable bid to negate the homogeneity of the nation, make south Korea multiracial and Americanize it. To deny the peculiarity and advantages of the homogeneous nation now that dominationism and colonialism are posing a threat to the destiny of weak nations is a treacherous act of weakening the spirit of the nation, the commentary says, and goes on: The south Korean pro-American traitorous forces advocating the theory of "multiracial society" are riffraffs who have not an iota of national soul, to say nothing of the elementary understanding of the view on the nation and social and historic development.

If the homogeneity of the nation is not kept, the nation and the destiny of individuals cannot be defended from the U.S. dominationist moves and the attempt of the Japanese reactionaries for invasion of Korea, which is revealed in their claim to Tok Islet, cannot be checked.

The theory of "multiracial society" is a poison and anti-reunification logic aimed to emasculate the basic idea in the era of independent reunification. The anti-national logic is advocated in south Korea, contrary to the aspiration of the fellow countrymen. This is ascribable to the criminal attempt of the pro-American elements including the Grand National Party to make the north and the south different in lineages, block the June 15 era of reunification and seek the permanent division of the nation and the manipulation of the U.S. behind the scene.

The commentary calls upon the people from all walks of life in south Korea to decisively reject the anti-national moves of the sycophantic traitorous forces to tarnish the lineage of the Korean nation and obliterate it, bereft of the Juche character and national character.”

— Rodong Sinmun, Theory of "Multiracial Society"

Additionally, other publications from North Korea reflect this perspective:

"The Korean people, through their long history, have maintained their pure blood and thus have created a unique culture and have demonstrated their strength and wisdom. The homogeneity of our race is the foundation of our superiority and the reason why we are the strongest and most united nation on earth."

— Kim Il-sung, Works, vol. 18

“The homogeneity of our race has been the cornerstone of our national spirit, making us the most steadfast and brave in the face of any challenge, the most united in our struggle for independence and socialism."

— Kim Il-sung, Works, vol. 10

North Korean ambassador Alejandro Cao de Benós on Blacks.

The leadership in North Korea has made controversial remarks condemning interracial marriages, deeming them as offenses against the Korean race. Such attitudes have raised alarm among diplomats from the Eastern Bloc stationed in North Korea, with an East German ambassador drawing parallels between these views and Nazi ideology. Instances of racism and xenophobia are apparent in North Korea, highlighted by events like the violent targeting of black Cuban diplomats and the imposition of forced abortions on North Korean women pregnant with children of Chinese descent. These attitudes have roots in the racial ideologies propagated by Imperial Japan during its colonial rule over Korea. Moreover, North Korea has laws in place that prohibit marriage between Koreans and the small number of minorities living in the country. The nation's concept of identity often centers on the idea of a unified Korean bloodline, reminiscent of the Nazi focus on ethnic purity. A Soviet diplomat in the 1960s referred to the inner political circle of Kim Il Sung as being akin to a "political Gestapo." North Korean propaganda tends to glorify the Korean race as uniquely pure, linking this purity to the natural beauty of the country, an echo of the Nazi’s "blood and soil" ideology.

It's often overlooked that individuals who collaborated with Imperial Japan had a significant role in the early Korean Worker's party and the formation of its ideology, despite outward anti-Japanese sentiments. In contrast to the treatment of collaborators in South Korea by the United States, Joseph Stalin appointed these individuals to high-ranking positions in the North Korean government. These collaborators were influential in the development of Juche, which shares elements with the ideology of Imperial Japan, at a time when General Douglas MacArthur was preventing Japanese collaborators from holding sway in Korea. Historian Cho Kwan Ja has noted that these individuals saw themselves as "pro-Japanese Korean nationalists," with notable figures like Choi Seung-Hee. Osamu Hatanaka, a Japanese intelligence officer, played a key role in North Korea's early days and was closely associated with Kim Il Sung and Kim Chaek.

B. R. Myers in The Cleanest Race suggests that Juche is more aligned with Imperial Japanese Fascism, particularly in its emphasis on leader worship and a unified national spirit, than with traditional Marxism-Leninism. However, Juche also incorporates Marxist-Leninist dialectical materialism, albeit in a modified form that emphasizes leadership and the collective will, as seen in the "Great Mass Theory." Myers notes a shift in Juche towards nationalism, yet the ideology still utilizes a dialectical approach, integrating human agency and mass unity via the leader. Thus, Juche signifies an ideological evolution in North Korea, blending nationalist tendencies with adapted Marxist principles.

“The political and ideological might of the motive force of revolution is nothing but the power of single-hearted unity between the leader, the Party, and the masses. In our socialist society, the leader, the Party, and the masses throw in their lot with one another, forming a single socio-political organism. The consolidation of blood relations between the leader, the Party and the masses is guaranteed by the single ideology and united leadership.”

— Kim Jong Il, Socialism Is a Science

The Workers Party manifesto of North Korea explicitly states that the revolution can only be guided by the Kim bloodline, drawing parallels to the Japanese Imperial cult. Scholars like Byung Ho Chung and Heonik Kwon, who specialize in Korean anthropology, compare the commemorations of the Kim family to Confucian and Shamanist ancestor worship, further solidifying the concept of the eternal president, Kim Il Sung. Juche ideology, therefore, finds its foundation in East Asian notions of filial piety and maternal love. In this context, filial piety and Korean nationalism position the leader as the universal patriarch. Consequently, North Korea's emphasis on familialism and nationalism replaces the more abstract, class-oriented language of Marxist socialism with a language that revolves around familial connections, comradely love, racial solidarity, and communal responsibilities, making it more accessible and relatable to the people.

Shin Chae Ho, a foundational figure in Korean nationalism, bears a linguistic and symbolic resemblance to Kim Il Sung, pointing to the influence Shin may have had on the development of Kim's Juche ideology. Interestingly, Shin was the originator of the term 'Juche,' which echoes the Japanese idea of 'Kokutai,' reflecting the unity of the leader's authority and the nation. In North Korea, Shin's work is esteemed and mandated as part of the educational curriculum for the young, alongside other selected writers.

B. R. Myers lecture on North Korea

North Korea's Juche ideology embodies a corporatist philosophy that views society as a singular, cohesive entity rather than a collection of various groups and interests. North Korea's quest for absolute unity has given rise to a distinct form of organicism, distinct from other communist states. Kim Il Sung is considered the central figure of this body politic, often referred to as the nation's "supreme brain." This brand of corporatism dovetails with the "Great Mass Theory," especially regarding Juche's concept of Suryong, as evidenced by quotes from a Korean Workers' party newspaper in spring 1981.

“Kim Il Sung is the great father of our people.... Long is the history of the word father being used as a word representing love and reverence, expressing the unbreak-able blood ties between the people and the leader. Father. This familiar word represents our people's single heart of boundless respect and loyalty.... The love shown by the Great Leader for our people is the love of kinship. Our respected and beloved Leader is the tender-hearted father of all the people.... Love of paternity... is the noblest ideological sentiment possessed only by our people.

His heart is a traction power attracting the hearts of all people and a centripetal force uniting them as one. Kim Il Sung is the great sun and great man, thanks to this great heart, national independence is firmly guaranteed.”

— Andrea Matles Savada, North Korea: a Country Study

The rhetoric employed in North Korea, especially evident during the declaration of Kim Jong Il as the successor at the 1980 Sixth Party Congress, resonates with distinct corporatist elements. The Korean Worker's party is affectionately termed the "Mother party," with a focus on creating connections akin to "blood ties" through its mass line approach. Leadership is consistently depicted in a familial light, with the leader as the father figure and the nation framed as an extended "family." Kim Il Sung, in particular, is revered as a fatherly presence known for his caring and generous nature, while the populace is expected to reciprocate with fidelity, compliance, and familial affection. The 1972 constitution of North Korea enshrined the philosophies of Kim Il Sung as the foundational doctrine of the nation, treating his deeds as the cultural legacy for its citizens. At the 4th Party Conference in April 2012, Kim Jong Un reaffirmed the Juche ideology as the singular beacon for both the party and the country. This move is in line with an earlier emphasis laid down by Kim Il Sung in his 1967 address to the Supreme People's Assembly:

“First, the government of the republic will implement with all consistency the line of independence, self-sufficiency, and self-defense to consolidate the political independence of the country, build up more solidly the foundations of an independent national economy capable of insuring the complete unification, independence, and prosperity of our nation and increasing the country's defense capabilities, so as to safeguard the security of the fatherland reliably by our own force, by splendidly embodying our party's idea of Juche in all fields.”

— Kim Il Sung, Let Us Embody More Thoroughly The Revolutionary Spirit of Independence, Self-Sustenance and Self Defence in All Fields of State Activity

Kim Jong Il articulated that Kimilsungism integrates the "Juche idea" with an extensive revolutionary theory and a unique approach to leadership springing from this very idea. Hence, Kimilsungism is positioned as a distinctive ideology that transcends the conventional confines of Marxism-Leninism. The Juche idea, central to Kimilsungism, is seen as a groundbreaking addition to human philosophical thought. Kim Jong Il asserted the obsolescence of Marxism-Leninism, advocating for its substitution with Kimilsungism.

“The revolutionary theory of Kimilsungism is a revolutionary theory which has provided solutions to problems arising in the revolutionary practice in a new age different from the era that gave rise to Marxism–Leninism. On the basis of the Juche idea, the leader gave a profound explanation of the theories, strategies and tactics of national liberation, class emancipation and human liberation in our era. Thus, it can be said that the revolutionary theory of Kimilsungism is a perfect revolutionary theory of Communism in the era of Juche.”

— Kim Jong Il, On Correctly Understanding The Originality of Kimilsungism

The emergence of new ideological terms signaled a deliberate pivot from communist ideology to a nationalist agenda within North Korea. This transition was underscored in a 1982 address by Kim Jong Il, coinciding with his father's 70th birthday celebrations, where he prioritized national loyalty over socialist allegiance. Phrases such as "A Theory of the Korean Nation as Number One and Socialism of Our Style" began to surface. By 2009, North Korea had excised all mentions of communism from its constitution and even dismantled the statues of Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin. Kim Jong Il's critique of Marxist orthodoxy was part of his broader effort to forge a unique ideological course for North Korea.

“Marxism–Leninism presented a series of opinions on the building of Socialism and Communism, but it confined itself to presupposition and hypothesis owing to the limitations of the conditions of their ages and practical experiences... But many countries applied the principles of Marxist–Leninist materialistic conception of history dogmatically, failing to advance revolution continually after the establishment of the socialist system.”

— Kim Jong Il quoted in Ethnic Nationalism In Korea by Gi-Wook Shin

North Korea has long contended with intense hostility from the United States, the dominant force in international finance. Since the Korean War of the 1950s, which ended with a ceasefire but not a formal peace treaty, the U.S. and North Korea remain in a state of unresolved conflict. The North Korean regime calls for its citizens to blend the dedication of a Japanese subject with the fervor of a Korean patriot, encouraging a sacred battle against Americans. Additionally, North Korea harbors a particularly antagonistic stance towards Israel, condemning it as an American imperial outpost. Since 1988, North Korea has acknowledged Palestine's claim to all of Israeli territory, thereby positioning itself against Zionist influence. This position has prompted the U.S. to accuse North Korea of antisemitism, while Israel views North Korea as a significant global security risk, advocating for collective Western action to counteract it. North Korea, conversely, casts the Israeli government as mere agents of American imperialism, and sees the Palestinian cause as analogous to their own resistance. Within this framework, it's arguable that North Korea shares more with Fascism than is widely recognized. Despite some nationalists' rejection of this comparison due to the country's state, it's crucial to understand that North Korea's current predicament stems largely from its strategic location and the enforced separation from the wider world by adversarial entities.

The sustained external pressures on North Korea are perceived as attempts to annex the peninsula and dismantle its sovereignty. Unlike the heavily American-influenced South Korea, North Korea has preserved its ethnic and cultural purity. The unusual practices seen in North Korea, such as the intense public grief displayed after a leader's death, are minor compared to South Korea's consumerism, mental health crisis, and demographic decline. The South has drifted from its historical roots, struggling even to sustain its population. In contrast, North Korea doesn't grapple with these issues. Contextually, any small nation facing global antagonism might adopt a defensive posture akin to North Korea's. The Songun, or military-first policy, has shielded North Korea from the fates of countries like Iraq and Libya. North Korea's wariness, including its treatment of tourists, reflects its self-perception of being at war with the American-led global order. The U.S. has been accused of wartime atrocities in North Korea, notably the Sinchon Massacre, where tens of thousands of civilians were reportedly killed by U.S. and South Korean forces in late 1950. North Korea's deep-seated anti-American sentiment is fueled by historical grievances of violence and abuse inflicted by U.S. forces, a pattern they trace back to the Philippine-American War. Despite facing numerous adversities, North Korea strives to preserve a society free from the influences of globalization, embodying historian Stanley G. Payne's observations:

“The communist peasant-nationalist regimes of Asia, relying on the ideal of Führerprinzip, extreme ethnocentric nationalism, and racialism and the ultimately grotesque antimodernism like the Khmer Rogue, seemed to some to represent the fascistization of communism. There is no doubt that, as discussed earlier, fascism and communism share many fundamental characteristics.”

— Stanley G. Payne, Fascism: Comparison and Definition

The resilience of North Korea's regime, which has withstood years of isolation and pressure from global forces, is an achievement that commands acknowledgment. Setting aside personal views, it's clear that the DPRK exemplifies and upholds fascist principles throughout its society. While not pursuing a universalist doctrine, its intense spirit mirrors the fight of a proletarian nation against the forces of international capitalism. We may not agree with all their methods, but it's important to empathize with the predicaments confronting their rulers. Consider the daunting prospect of sustaining a small nation with scarce resources and infertile ground, all while facing relentless aggression and efforts to destabilize from a global alliance bent on the country's destruction. This situation invites serious contemplation, as illustrated by the actions and policies of North Korea's Supreme Leader, Kim Jong Un.