Why North Korean Is Fascistic
by Zoltanous and Judas
There is persistent intrigue among various circles regarding the commonly accepted view of North Korea, often portrayed as a real-life embodiment of George Orwell’s totalitarian nightmare in 1984, having deviated from its communist roots and suppressing fundamental freedoms. Some even consider it another example of a failed communist regime. While these interpretations may appear plausible without a deep understanding of North Korea’s essence, it is critical to acknowledge the significant lack of concrete information about the country’s actual conditions. This raises the question: Why does such a knowledge gap persist? The reports and insights we receive about North Korea are frequently filtered through a distorting prism, interwoven with daily misinformation.
Consequently, grasping the truth about the situation on the northern side of the Korean Peninsula remains elusive without pursuing independent investigation. Juche, North Korea’s prevailing ideology, diverges significantly from traditional Marxist-Leninist principles, reinterpreting foundational Marxist concepts and establishing a distinctive ideological stance. Some might argue that it borders on a variant of fascism. This perspective finds some support in the statements of the nation’s founder, Kim Il-sung.
“An independent position means the fundamental stand of communists - having confidence in the strength of their own people and responsibly carrying through revolution in their country by their own efforts. Only when they maintain a firm independent position in the revolutionary struggle can they formulate revolutionary lines and policies corresponding to the actual conditions in their country, safeguard and implement them thoroughly and fight to the last for their country’s revolution no matter the difficulties and hardships.”
— Kim Il-sung, The Tasks of Korean Communists
The foremost goal of the Juche Idea is to advance the unification of the Korean nation through a specialized socialist model that is deeply rooted in Korean philosophical traditions. This philosophy is dedicated to improving societal and national circumstances through a system that rewards merit. It underscores the significance of preserving national sovereignty and promotes a distinctive brand of nationalism. While it encompasses an internationalist perspective, it does not abandon national borders or cultural heritage. Juche philosophy posits that true internationalism, characterized by cooperative relationships between nations, is unattainable if national identities dissolve. Therefore, the existence of nationalism is considered essential.
“Nationalism does not conflict with internationalism. Mutual help, support and alliance between countries and nations–this is internationalism. Every country has its borders, and every nation has its identity, and revolution and construction are carried on with the country and nation as a unit. For this reason, internationalism finds its expressions in the relationships between countries and between nations, a prerequisite for which is nationalism. Internationalism divorced from the concepts of nation and nationalism is merely an empty shell. A man who is unconcerned about the destiny of his country and nation cannot be faithful to internationalism. Revolutionaries of each country should be faithful to internationalism by struggling, first of all, for the prosperity of their own country and nation.”
“Communism is not a doctrine that defends uniquely the interests of the working class. It defends, also, those of the nation. It is an authentic idea that loves these, the Fatherland. The same could be said about nationalism. To love thy country, thy nation, is an idea and common sentiment of both communism and nationalism, and constitutes the ideological basis for an alliance between both. For that same reason, it could be affirmed that there is no reason or justification to pin communism against nationalism and to repudiate the latter.”
— Kim Jong Il, On Having a Correct Understanding of Nationalism
Kim Jong-il articulates that within Juche philosophy, a form of nationalism is embraced that differs from the pure internationalism found in traditional Marxism. He contends that authentic internationalism is predicated on the foundation of nationalism. Although Juche distinguishes itself from bourgeois nationalism by focusing on the working class, it still places high importance on the concept of the nation and the preservation of its national identity, in contrast to the classical Marxist goal of dissolving national distinctions. For Juche, internationalism involves reciprocal support, not the abolition of nation-states. Elements of indigenous Korean religions, such as Cheondoism, Shamanism, and Confucianism, are woven into the fabric of Juche.
In Juche, North Korean society is organized along corporatist lines, treating the state as a single, large family. The Korean nation forms the body of this family, with the leader (Kim Il-sung) as its paternal head; any challenge to the leader is therefore viewed as an attack on the family patriarch. Respect, hierarchy, and familial social discipline are central. Juche deliberately diverges from standard Marxist-Leninist models by forging a distinctly Korean path of socialism infused with nationalism. This independence was demonstrated by North Korea’s entry into the Non-Aligned Movement in 1975 and, even earlier, by the failed August Faction Incident of 1956, in which pro-Soviet and pro-Chinese factions attempted but failed to remove Kim Il-sung, solidifying his personal control and North Korea’s break from the Sino-Soviet sphere of influence. Economically while Maoist China promoted joint state-capitalist (state-private) enterprises, Juchw rejected this approach in favor of forming “cooperatives” together with national capitalists, aiming to merge all social classes into one unified, state-directed socialist collective.
“Our country was the first to transform capitalist traders and manufacturers along socialist lines by using the cooperative economy… This is an original experience.”
— Socialist Transformation of Private Trade and Industry In Korea
“Comrade Kim Il Sung held that, different from some socialist countries, it was wholly unnecessary for the peaceful transformation of capitalist trade and industry to assume the form of state capitalism.”
— Kim Il Sung, Baik Bong Volume 2
“It also organized and led the socialist transformation of private commerce and industry. Taking the characteristics of the country’s capitalist commerce and industry into account, it set forth the policy of remoulding those engaged in capitalist commerce and industry without expropriating them, and applied the way of involving them in various forms of the cooperative economy, thus realizing successfully the socialist transformation of private commerce and industry. As the socialist transformation of the outdated relations of production had been completed in the urban and rural areas, the socialist system was established in Korea in 1958.”
— Understanding Workers Party of Korea
North Korea’s adoption of a tailored version of corporatism reflects a tactical move to address the specific adversities it faced. Nonetheless, this raises a conundrum for Western Marxists: if corporatism is equated with capitalism, then deeming North Korea a capitalist nation would conflict with its self-proclaimed socialist status. Moreover, the importance of racial identity in Juche philosophy is frequently neglected or underestimated by many communists, even though it plays a pivotal role in the Juche framework.
“Thanks to the WPK’s correct lines and sagacious leadership suited to the specific conditions of the Korean revolution, socialist cooperativization in the rural areas and socialist transformation of private trade and industry were accomplished in a smooth and thoroughgoing way in four to five years after the war. In this way, a socialist system was established in the DPRK.”
— Seventy Years of Brilliant Leadership
“In accordance with its policy of agricultural cooperativization through socialist transformation of the form of the rural economy before its technical transformation of agriculture, the WPK ensured that the principle of voluntariness was strictly observed with the intensification of ideological education among peasants, and the superiority of cooperative farming was demonstrated through an experimental stage and by means of practical examples.
In the socialist transformation of private trade and industry, too, it took into account the specific character of the capitalist trade and industry in the country, followed the road of transforming the private capitalist traders and industrialists instead of expropriating them, and carried it out successfully by involving them in different forms of the cooperative economy.
With the completion of the socialist reorganization of the relations of production in urban and rural areas in a short period of four to five years thanks to the WPK’s wise leadership, an advanced socialist system where people were freed from exploitation and oppression was established in the northern half of Korea.”
— Seventy Years of Brilliant Leadership
The incorporation of a tailored version of corporatism in North Korea can be seen as a tactical move to address the specific adversities it encountered. Nonetheless, this raises a conundrum for Western Marxists: if corporatism is equated with capitalism, then deeming North Korea a capitalist nation would conflict with its self-proclaimed socialist status. Moreover, the importance of racial identity in Juche philosophy is frequently neglected or underestimated by numerous communists, even though it plays a pivotal role in the Juche framework.
“If a man is robbed of his language, he becomes a fool, and if a nation is deprived of its language, it ceases to be a nation. It is recognized worldwide that the most important characteristics of a nation are a common language and ties of blood.”
— Kim Il Sung, Principles of Life
In the Theory of The Multiracial Society, Rodong Sinmun delves into the Juche philosophy, revealing certain elements that can be interpreted as having racist and xenophobic undertones.
“A strange farce to hamstring the essential characters of the Korean nation and seek for "multiracial society" is now being held in south Korea. In this regard Rodong Sinmun today runs a signed commentary, which censures the farce as an unpardonable bid to negate the homogeneity of the nation, make south Korea multiracial and Americanize it. To deny the peculiarity and advantages of the homogeneous nation now that dominationism and colonialism are posing a threat to the destiny of weak nations is a treacherous act of weakening the spirit of the nation, the commentary says, and goes on: The south Korean pro-American traitorous forces advocating the theory of "multiracial society" are riffraffs who have not an iota of national soul, to say nothing of the elementary understanding of the view on the nation and social and historic development.
If the homogeneity of the nation is not kept, the nation and the destiny of individuals cannot be defended from the U.S. dominationist moves and the attempt of the Japanese reactionaries for invasion of Korea, which is revealed in their claim to Tok Islet, cannot be checked.
The theory of "multiracial society" is a poison and anti-reunification logic aimed to emasculate the basic idea in the era of independent reunification. The anti-national logic is advocated in south Korea, contrary to the aspiration of the fellow countrymen. This is ascribable to the criminal attempt of the pro-American elements including the Grand National Party to make the north and the south different in lineages, block the June 15 era of reunification and seek the permanent division of the nation and the manipulation of the U.S. behind the scene.
The commentary calls upon the people from all walks of life in south Korea to decisively reject the anti-national moves of the sycophantic traitorous forces to tarnish the lineage of the Korean nation and obliterate it, bereft of the Juche character and national character.”
— Rodong Sinmun, Theory of "Multiracial Society"
North Korean publications, portray racial homogeneity as the defining source of Korean national strength. According to these texts, the Korean people have preserved their “pure blood” across centuries, which enabled the creation of a distinctive culture while demonstrating exceptional strength and wisdom. This homogeneity is presented as the very foundation of national strength, making North Korea the strongest and most united nation on earth. It is further described as the cornerstone of the national spirit, the reason the people have proven themselves the most steadfast and brave in the face of any challenge, and the force that has produced unparalleled unity in the struggle for independence and socialism.
North Korean ambassador Alejandro Cao de Benós on Blacks
The leadership in North Korea has made controversial remarks condemning interracial marriages, deeming them offenses against the Korean race. Such attitudes have raised alarm among Eastern Bloc diplomats stationed in North Korea, with an East German ambassador drawing parallels between these views and Nazi ideology. Instances of racism and xenophobia are evident in North Korea, highlighted by events such as the violent targeting of Black Cuban diplomats and the imposition of forced abortions on North Korean women pregnant with children of Chinese descent. These attitudes have roots in the racial ideologies propagated by Imperial Japan during its colonial rule over Korea. Moreover, North Korea has laws prohibiting marriage between Koreans and the small number of minorities living in the country. The nation’s concept of identity often centers on the idea of a unified Korean bloodline, reminiscent of the Nazi focus on ethnic purity. A Soviet diplomat in the 1960s referred to Kim Il-sung’s inner political circle as akin to a “political Gestapo.” North Korean propaganda frequently glorifies the Korean race as uniquely pure, linking this purity to the natural beauty of the country, echoing the Nazi “blood and soil” ideology.
It is often overlooked that individuals who collaborated with Imperial Japan played a significant role in the early Korean Workers’ Party and the formation of its ideology, despite outward anti-Japanese sentiments. In contrast to the treatment of collaborators in South Korea by the United States, Joseph Stalin appointed these individuals to high-ranking positions in the North Korean government. These collaborators influenced the development of Juche, which shares elements with the ideology of Imperial Japan, at a time when General Douglas MacArthur was preventing Japanese collaborators from holding sway in South Korea. Historian Cho Kwan-ja has noted that these individuals saw themselves as “pro-Japanese Korean nationalists,” with notable figures like Choi Seung-hee. Osamu Hatanaka, a Japanese intelligence officer, played a key role in North Korea’s early days and was closely associated with Kim Il-sung and Kim Chaek. B.R. Myers, in The Cleanest Race, suggests that Juche aligns more closely with Imperial Japanese fascism, particularly in its emphasis on leader worship and a unified national spirit, than with traditional Marxism-Leninism. However, Juche also incorporates Marxist-Leninist dialectical materialism, albeit in a modified form that emphasizes leadership and the collective will, as seen in the “Great Mass Theory.” Myers notes a shift in Juche toward nationalism, yet the ideology retains a dialectical approach, integrating human agency and mass unity through the leader. Thus, Juche represents an ideological evolution in North Korea, blending nationalist tendencies with adapted Marxist principles.
“The political and ideological might of the motive force of revolution is nothing but the power of single-hearted unity between the leader, the Party, and the masses. In our socialist society, the leader, the Party, and the masses throw in their lot with one another, forming a single socio-political organism. The consolidation of blood relations between the leader, the Party and the masses is guaranteed by the single ideology and united leadership.”
— Kim Jong Il, Socialism Is a Science
The Workers’ party of Korea manifesto explicitly states that the revolution can only be guided by the Kim bloodline, drawing parallels to the Japanese imperial cult. Scholars like Byung-ho Chung and Heonik Kwon, who specialize in Korean anthropology, compare the commemorations of the Kim family to Confucian and Shamanist ancestor worship, further solidifying the concept of the eternal president, Kim Il-sung. Juche ideology, therefore, finds its foundation in East Asian notions of filial piety and maternal love. In this context, filial piety and Korean nationalism position the leader as the universal patriarch. Consequently, North Korea’s emphasis on familialism and nationalism replaces the more abstract, class-oriented language of Marxist socialism with language centered on familial connections, comradely love, racial solidarity, and communal responsibilities, making it more accessible and relatable to the people.
Shin Chae-ho, a foundational figure in Korean nationalism, bears linguistic and symbolic resemblance to Kim Il-sung, suggesting his influence on the development of Kim’s Juche ideology. Interestingly, Shin originated the term “Juche,” which echoes the Japanese concept of “Kokutai,” reflecting the unity of the leader’s authority and the nation. In North Korea, Shin’s work is esteemed and mandated as part of the educational curriculum for youth, alongside other selected writers.
B. R. Myers lecture on North Korea
North Korea’s Juche ideology embodies a corporatist philosophy that envisions society as a singular, cohesive entity rather than a collection of diverse groups and interests. This quest for absolute unity has produced a unique form of organicism, setting North Korea apart from other communist states. Kim Il-sung is regarded as the central figure of this body politic, frequently described as the nation’s “supreme brain” in state propaganda. This corporatist framework aligns with the “Great Mass Theory,” particularly in Juche’s concept of Suryong (Great Leader), as evidenced by quotes from the Korean Workers’ party newspaper Rodong Sinmun in spring 1981, which emphasized the leader’s role in unifying the masses for national progress.
“Kim Il Sung is the great father of our people.... Long is the history of the word father being used as a word representing love and reverence, expressing the unbreak-able blood ties between the people and the leader. Father. This familiar word represents our people's single heart of boundless respect and loyalty.... The love shown by the Great Leader for our people is the love of kinship. Our respected and beloved Leader is the tender-hearted father of all the people.... Love of paternity... is the noblest ideological sentiment possessed only by our people.
His heart is a traction power attracting the hearts of all people and a centripetal force uniting them as one. Kim Il Sung is the great sun and great man, thanks to this great heart, national independence is firmly guaranteed.”
— Andrea Matles Savada, North Korea: a Country Study
The rhetoric employed in North Korea, particularly during the declaration of Kim Jong-il as successor at the 1980 Sixth Party Congress, resonates with distinct corporatist elements. The Korean Workers’ Party is affectionately termed the “Mother Party,” emphasizing connections akin to “blood ties” through its mass line approach. Leadership is consistently depicted in a familial light, with the leader portrayed as a father figure and the nation framed as an extended “family.” Kim Il-sung, in particular, is revered as a fatherly presence known for his caring and generous nature, while the populace is expected to reciprocate with fidelity, compliance, and familial affection. The 1972 Constitution of North Korea enshrined Kim Il-sung’s philosophies as the foundational doctrine of the nation, treating his deeds as a cultural legacy for its citizens. At the 4th Party Conference in April 2012, Kim Jong-un reaffirmed Juche ideology as the singular beacon for both the party and the country. This move aligns with an earlier emphasis articulated by Kim Il-sung in his 1967 address to the Supreme People’s Assembly.
“First, the government of the republic will implement with all consistency the line of independence, self-sufficiency, and self-defense to consolidate the political independence of the country, build up more solidly the foundations of an independent national economy capable of insuring the complete unification, independence, and prosperity of our nation and increasing the country's defense capabilities, so as to safeguard the security of the fatherland reliably by our own force, by splendidly embodying our party's idea of Juche in all fields.”
— Kim Il Sung, Let Us Embody More Thoroughly The Revolutionary Spirit of Independence, Self-Sustenance and Self Defence in All Fields of State Activity
Kim Jong-il articulated that Kimilsungism integrates the Juche idea with a comprehensive revolutionary theory and a distinctive leadership approach rooted in this philosophy. Positioned as a unique ideology, Kimilsungism surpasses the traditional boundaries of Marxism-Leninism. The Juche idea, the cornerstone of Kimilsungism, is heralded as a profound contribution to human philosophical thought. Kim Jong-il declared Marxism-Leninism obsolete, advocating for its replacement with Kimilsungism, as emphasized in his 1996 treatise On Preserving The Juche Character and Developing Kimilsungism. This shift underscores North Korea’s ideological divergence, prioritizing national self-reliance and the Kim dynasty’s vision over Marxist universalism, with Juche shaping policies like the 1998 Songun doctrine, which allocated 25% of GDP to military strength, per SIPRI estimates.
“The revolutionary theory of Kimilsungism is a revolutionary theory which has provided solutions to problems arising in the revolutionary practice in a new age different from the era that gave rise to Marxism–Leninism. On the basis of the Juche idea, the leader gave a profound explanation of the theories, strategies and tactics of national liberation, class emancipation and human liberation in our era. Thus, it can be said that the revolutionary theory of Kimilsungism is a perfect revolutionary theory of Communism in the era of Juche.”
— Kim Jong Il, On Correctly Understanding The Originality of Kimilsungism
The emergence of new ideological terms signaled a deliberate pivot from communist ideology to a nationalist agenda within North Korea. This transition was underscored in a 1982 address by Kim Jong Il, coinciding with his father's 70th birthday celebrations, where he prioritized national loyalty over socialist allegiance. Phrases such as "A Theory of the Korean Nation as Number One and Socialism of Our Style" began to surface. By 2009, North Korea had excised all mentions of communism from its constitution and even dismantled the statues of Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin. Kim Jong Il's critique of Marxist orthodoxy was part of his broader effort to forge a unique ideological course for North Korea.
“Marxism–Leninism presented a series of opinions on the building of Socialism and Communism, but it confined itself to presupposition and hypothesis owing to the limitations of the conditions of their ages and practical experiences... But many countries applied the principles of Marxist–Leninist materialistic conception of history dogmatically, failing to advance revolution continually after the establishment of the socialist system.”
— Kim Jong Il quoted in Ethnic Nationalism In Korea by Gi-Wook Shin
North Korea has faced persistent hostility from the United States, a leading power in global finance and geopolitics, since the Korean War, which concluded with an armistice but no formal peace treaty, leaving the two nations in a state of unresolved tension. The North Korean regime mobilizes its citizens by blending fervent patriotism with a disciplined loyalty reminiscent of historical Japanese civic duty, framing resistance to the U.S. as a sacred struggle. Additionally, North Korea maintains a sharply critical stance toward Israel, denouncing it as an extension of American imperialism. Since recognizing Palestine’s claim to all Israeli territory in 1988, North Korea has aligned itself with the Palestinian cause, viewing it as parallel to its own fight against external domination. This position has led to U.S. accusations of antisemitism and prompted Israel to label North Korea a significant global security threat, urging coordinated Western efforts to counter its influence. In response, North Korea portrays Israel’s government as a proxy for U.S. interests, reinforcing its narrative of resisting a Western-led global order. Some scholars, noting Juche’s emphasis on ethnocentric nationalism and state control, argue that North Korea shares ideological traits with fascism, despite its socialist rhetoric. However, nationalists often reject this comparison, citing the country’s geopolitical isolation and defensive posture as products of external pressures rather than inherent ideology.
These pressures, perceived as efforts to undermine North Korea’s sovereignty and integrate the peninsula into a U.S.-aligned framework, have shaped its distinct path. Unlike South Korea, which has embraced American cultural and economic influence, North Korea prioritizes ethnic and cultural homogeneity, resisting globalization’s impact. Practices like the public mourning following a leader’s death — such as the mass displays after Kim Il-sung’s passing in 1994, attended by millions, per state media—pale in comparison to South Korea’s challenges, including rampant consumerism, a mental health crisis with suicide rates among the highest globally (25.8 per 100,000 in 2020, per WHO), and a fertility rate of 0.78 in 2022, threatening demographic collapse. North Korea, maintaining a population of 25 million with stable birth rates, per 2020 DPRK census data, avoids these issues. The Songun (“military-first”) policy, formalized in 1998 and consuming 25% of GDP (SIPRI estimates), has fortified North Korea against interventions like those in Iraq or Libya. Its cautious approach, including restrictions on tourists (only 5,000 annually pre-COVID, per NK News), reflects a wartime mentality rooted in historical grievances, notably the 1950 Sinchon Massacre, where North Korea claims 35,000 civilians were killed by U.S. and South Korean forces, a figure contested but partially corroborated by declassified U.S. documents. North Korea’s anti-Americanism draws on a broader narrative of U.S. aggression, from the Philippine-American War to alleged Korean War atrocities. As historian Stanley G. Payne observes, North Korea’s resilience reflects a deliberate rejection of globalist paradigms, preserving a society insulated from external cultural erosion, shaped by its strategic location and prolonged isolation.
“The communist peasant-nationalist regimes of Asia, relying on the ideal of Führerprinzip, extreme ethnocentric nationalism, and racialism and the ultimately grotesque antimodernism like the Khmer Rogue, seemed to some to represent the fascistization of communism. There is no doubt that, as discussed earlier, fascism and communism share many fundamental characteristics.”
— Stanley G. Payne, Fascism: Comparison and Definition
The resilience of North Korea’s regime, which has endured decades of isolation and pressure from global forces, is an achievement that demands acknowledgment. Setting aside personal views, it is evident that the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea embodies and upholds principles often associated with fascism throughout its society. While not pursuing a universalist doctrine, its fervent spirit reflects the struggle of a proletarian nation against the forces of international capitalism. We may not agree with all their methods, but it is important to empathize with the challenges confronting their leaders. Consider the daunting task of sustaining a small nation with scarce resources and infertile land, all while facing relentless aggression and efforts to destabilize from a global alliance intent on the country’s destruction. This situation invites serious contemplation, as illustrated by the actions and policies of North Korea’s Supreme Leader, Kim Jong-un.
“Nothing is more precious than the people, as they constitute the foundation of the country, and nothing is more sacred than their interests.”
— Kim Jong-un, For The People: Excerpts From Works