Park Chung-Hee: The Korean Tiger

by Zoltanous

The remarkable transition of South Korea from being among the world's poorest countries to its status as a major global economy, often referred to as the "Miracle on the Han River," has intrigued economists worldwide who are eager to decode the secrets behind its rapid development. At the heart of this transformation was the authoritarian leadership of Park Chung-Hee, a former military general who came to power in a 1961 coup and remained in office until his assassination in 1979 by someone with pro-American sentiments. Park's governance style was influenced by historical instances of industrialization under socialist regimes. His administration tightly controlled the economy, focusing on export promotion, protecting and subsidizing certain local industries, and suppressing dissent and labor movements. Furthermore, the government took control of unions and adopted a market-focused central planning strategy. Historian Chalmers Johnson described Park’s governance model as a "developmental state," akin to Italy under Fascism or Germany under Bismarck. Additionally, historian Namhee Lee views Park's South Korea through the lens of a "Mass Dictatorship," suggesting that Park's regime successfully molded a unified national identity and motivated the populace to follow its vision. Park effectively harnessed nationalist fervor, as highlighted in his 1962 Treatise, which celebrated the collective will and endeavor of the Korean people.

“The revolution… was a new, mature national debut of spirit…. it is to revive our people, reconstruct our nation and reform us. This is a revolution of national reform.”

— Park Chung-Hee quoted in Dictatorial Consensus: South Korean Identity and Popular Remembrance of Park Chung-hee by Megan Cansfield

The perception of Park Chung-Hee's legacy is deeply divided; he is seen either as a visionary leader who elevated South Korea from poverty or as an oppressive ruler who stifled civil liberties and political freedom. This divergence largely reflects individual political perspectives. Nonetheless, it's crucial to recognize that the seeds for the powerful, yet authoritarian, state that Park established were sown during the era of Japanese Imperial rule over Korea. In that period, the Japanese influence in Korea acted simultaneously as a force for socioeconomic transformation and as a regime of oppression. Despite the unease this fact may cause among Korean nationalists, it is undeniable that the economic modernization during the Japanese occupation laid groundwork important for the development of both North and South Korea. The era under Japanese rule, contentious as it may be, offered unprecedented development opportunities for the wider Asian region.

Born on November 14, 1917, in Kibi, Keishо̄hoku-dо̄, Park Chung-Hee was driven from a young age by a desire to rise above the poverty of the Korean countryside. Known for his intelligence, ambition, and pronounced self-confidence, he looked up to historical figures like Napoleon Bonaparte and Otto von Bismarck. Growing up under Japanese rule, Park greatly admired Japan's swift modernization post-Meiji Restoration and the Bushido code. After finishing high school, he attended a teaching school in Taikyū and subsequently worked as a teacher in Bunkei-yū. Believing that joining the Japanese military was his ticket out of rural backwardness, Park, with Colonel Arikawa's support—who saw potential in Park's ambitions and character—entered the Changchun Military Academy. Here, he was known as Takagi Masao and trained as a lieutenant in Japan's Manchukuo protectorate. Park was seen as an outstanding soldier by his instructors, a testament to the rigorous Japanese military discipline and training he received. Along with his peers, Park absorbed the Imperial Japanese Army's ethos, focusing on victory and absolute loyalty to authority, elements that would later influence his leadership in Korea. Park's proficiency in Japanese and his adoption of significant economic, social, and military concepts from Korea's Japanese governors underscore the depth of his Japanese influences. These connections remain a prominent part of his historical footprint.

“That a Korean young man in the 1940s could find his 'true self' in the IJA (Imperial Japanese Army) or Manchurian officer corps does not rest well today with a Korean nationalist sentiment that often tends to equate being true to one's Korean self at that time with being anti-Japanese.”

— Carter J. Eckert, Park Chung Hee and Modern Korea: The Roots of Militarism, 1866–1945

Park Chung-Hee in Brigade uniform

After excelling and graduating at the top of his class in 1942, Park Chung-Hee captured the attention of his Japanese mentors, who saw his potential and recommended him for advanced studies at the esteemed Imperial Japanese Army Academy in Japan. During this era, Imperial Japan cast itself as the guardian of Asia, claiming to shield the continent from Western imperialism, which it depicted as a quest for power and exploitation. It's crucial to recognize that the modernity embraced by Koreans between 1876 and 1919 was deeply influenced by Japanese innovations. As Japan geared up for conflict, it expanded opportunities for Koreans to advance socially. By 1943, Koreans made up one-third of the police force and about 240,000 served in the Imperial Japanese Army and Navy. Notably, Kim Il Sung, the founder of North Korea, served as a Japanese interpreter in China. Embracing his role fully, Park Chung-Hee committed himself to Japan by taking a blood oath to serve the emperor and Japan with his life. Park's talents did not go unnoticed; he was one of the select Koreans admitted to the prestigious Japanese Imperial Military Academy near Tokyo. Finishing third in his class in 1944, he was commissioned as a lieutenant in the military forces of Manchukuo, a puppet state created by Japan, where he served through the concluding phase of World War II.

Park with fellow students at Changchun Military Academy

Upon his return to South Korea during the American occupation, Park Chung-Hee joined the Korea Military Academy, graduating in its second class in 1946. He then served as an officer in the constabulary army, overseen by the United States Army Military Government in Korea. Park was an early member of this constabulary, a local military force managed by the American authorities. In 1946, a communist-led uprising in Daegu resulted in the death of Park's older brother, pushing Park toward the political left, which he perceived as more organized, patriotic, and less corrupt than the political right. He became a member of the Workers' party of South Korea, a communist organization active in the American-occupied zone that would become South Korea, and established connections with the Korean Workers Party in the North, which had infiltrated the constabulary forces.

By 1948, Park found himself embroiled in a failed mutiny, leading to a crackdown on leftists within the organization. He narrowly escaped execution due to his perceived potential as a military officer. However, Park was later accused of being part of a plot to overthrow President Syngman Rhee, arrested in early 1949, found guilty of treason, and sentenced to life imprisonment. This sentence was eventually commuted by Rhee, following the advice of an American military advisor, after Park provided information on communist elements to South Korean authorities. The onset of the Korean War allowed Park to rejoin military service, where he fought against communist forces. Rapidly ascending the military ranks, Park became a Brigadier General by the Korean War's end in 1953. He took on numerous leadership roles, including head of the Army's Artillery School, division commander, and Chief of Staff of the First Army. By 1960, Park was the deputy commander of the Second Army and Chief of the Operations Staff, positioning him as a key military figure. The presidency of Syngman Rhee concluded in 1960 after the April 19th Movement, a student-led protest, leading to a brief period of parliamentary democracy. This new government, however, struggled with economic issues and demands for reform from students, while the discredited police force, loyal to Rhee, faltered in maintaining order. 

Major-General Park Chung-Hee and soldiers tasked with effecting the coup

Dissatisfied with the political and social turmoil in South Korea, Park Chung-Hee, alongside other military officers, founded a junta called the Military Revolutionary Committee (MRC) and began to orchestrate a coup. Seizing the moment, Major General Park spearheaded a peaceful military takeover on May 16, 1961, known as the 5.16 Revolution, which was largely embraced by a populace weary of political instability. Although President Yoon was initially against the coup, he eventually aligned with the junta, and persuasion efforts led the United States Eighth Army and various South Korean military units to accept the new leadership without interference. Park then declared the establishment of the Supreme Council for National Reconstruction (SCNR), appointing himself as chairman. Park envisioned himself as a unifier of the Korean people, drawing a parallel with Japan's February 26th incident, which aimed to consolidate power under a totalitarian emperor and unite the Japanese under a single cause. However, Park's past affiliations with communist groups made the United States wary, fearing he might secretly harbor communist sympathies. James Hausman, an American military advisor to Park, had to reassure Washington officials that Park posed no communist threat, despite him not being the U.S.'s first choice for Korea's leadership. Park's governance and ideological leanings were heavily influenced by a militarized version of Japanese nationalism, emphasizing the role of military officers in leading national development. His leadership transformed Korean society with a strong martial ethos, advocating for military involvement in governance during crisis situations, centralized economic planning and supervision, a belief in the Korean spirit of endurance, and a robust state apparatus employing force to ensure stability. 

Following a brief return to civilian governance due to pressures from President Kennedy, Park Chung-Hee entered the political arena as a democratically elected president in 1963, backed by the newly established Democratic-Republican Party. With this victory, Park solidified his grip on South Korea. He launched his tenure with a vigorous campaign against corruption, targeting the affluent and consolidating economic control to strengthen his position. Wealthy business figures faced arrest, yet those willing to invest in specific industries vital for national development were offered leniency, effectively channeling their entrepreneurial drive towards the country's economic ambitions. Bankers, however, did not receive such concessions. To safeguard his regime against potential threats and counter-coups, Park formed the Korean Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA) in 1961. The KCIA wielded extensive powers, including the authority to investigate, arrest, and detain individuals suspected of anti-government activities. This agency also played a significant role in economic and foreign affairs. Park's administration was marked by a militaristic approach, with efforts to discipline South Korean society, including initiatives to employ the homeless in public projects.

Under Park, South Korea became highly militarized, reflecting his belief in the transformative power of discipline and will. Inspired by his Japanese military education, Park was determined to use state-led strategies to elevate South Korea from a developing to a developed economy. His ambitious Five Year Economic Plans were influenced by models from the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany, focusing on the creation of industrial zones within cities. The normalization of relations with Japan in 1965 through treaties that included reparations and soft loans was a pivotal moment for South Korea, fostering trade and investment. Park structured the Korean economy similarly to Japan's zaibatsu system but with significant differences, notably the KCIA's control over the chaebols (conglomerates) and their alignment with government-directed growth. These conglomerates enjoyed special privileges and access to substantial loans, playing a critical role in executing the Five-Year Economic Plans and directing resources towards state-defined goals. This model bore similarities to socialist economic planning, with centralized control and government-led infrastructure investment.

Park's approach to labor unions was part of a broader strategy of social control to advance industrialization. The government directly managed these unions, outlining permissible activities and integrating them into a Corporatist State framework that steered both workers and the private sector towards fulfilling government objectives. The emphasis was on controlling the labor force to promote industrial growth, often at the cost of immediate worker welfare, with low wages prevailing initially. However, as the economy expanded, the government gradually improved wages. This strategy, while fostering rapid economic development, mirrored Marxist-Leninist principles of centralized planning and prioritization of industrialization by any means necessary.

The 1960s heralded the start of South Korea's extraordinary economic ascent, famously known as the "Miracle on the Han River." Despite its limited natural resources, dense population, and confined land area, South Korea experienced unprecedented economic growth during this era. Upon seizing control in 1961, Park Chung-Hee found South Korea in a precarious economic situation, with a per capita income of just $72, trailing behind North Korea, which was then more economically and militarily formidable, supported by the communist bloc. Park was instrumental in pivoting South Korea towards an export-driven industrial model, embracing the philosophy that exports were beneficial while imports were to be minimized. The government incentivized companies to achieve export quotas through favorable credit terms and tax advantages, while those falling short faced potential nationalization. The signing of a status of forces agreement with the United States in 1966 marked the beginning of a more balanced partnership. South Korea's commitment of troops to the Vietnam War aligned with US interests, in return for which South Korea received extensive financial support, technology, and access to preferential markets, though this relationship would later experience tensions during the Nixon era.

Park regarded Germany with particular esteem, inspired by its historical examples of strong leadership such as Bismarck and Hitler. He pursued closer relations with West Germany, aiming to mitigate domestic economic challenges and population pressures, and to draw foreign investment. Between 1961 and 1977, South Korea dispatched labor forces, including miners and nurses, to Germany. Additionally, Park maintained a strong relationship with Iran's Shah, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. A major initiative under Park's leadership was the New Community Movement, initiated in 1970 to bridge the development gap between burgeoning urban areas and the lagging rural economy. This movement sought to harness Korea's traditional communal spirit to foster modernization in the countryside, focusing on improving living standards through hard work, self-reliance, and collective effort. It later expanded to urban and industrial settings, advocating for frugality, cleanliness, and orderly living. The New Community Movement played a significant role in alleviating poverty and elevating living conditions across South Korea.

On the introduction of Saemaul Undong

Source Maddison Project Database

South Korea's economic trajectory under Park Chung-Hee saw remarkable growth, eventually outpacing North Korea. Park's initiatives significantly reduced the rate of extreme poverty from 66.9 percent in 1961 to 11.2 percent in 1979, aiming to eradicate poverty and secure a prosperous future for the nation. Beyond economic and defense strategies, Park emphasized the revival of national culture and traditions to foster a strong sense of identity amid modernization. His efforts to preserve and celebrate Korea's heritage and military heroes reflected his deep patriotism and vision for a self-reliant nation. Despite societal challenges, Park respected Japan for its role in his education, highlighting the impact of Japanese-imposed compulsory education and the integrity of its people on his success.

Park also confronted international financial norms by opposing the World Bank, tackling usury, and combating illicit profiteering through nationalizing banks and introducing a new currency. His crackdown on domestic oligarchs, some of whom had ties to the US, strained relations with America, which briefly shifted its support towards North Korea, perceiving Park's actions as authoritarian. Facing American pressure, Park consented to a presidential election in 1963, which he narrowly won. His rule from 1963 to 1972 was nominally democratic but limited in political freedom. In 1972, Park abandoned democracy for Yusin, an authoritarian regime claiming to suit Korean needs better than Western democracy. This move, rejecting democratic development in favor of a nationalist, illiberal model, alarmed US policymakers, especially given Park's pursuit of nuclear capabilities viewed as a nationalist defiance.

Park's efforts to lessen military reliance on the US and his secret negotiations with North Korea in 1972 aimed at reunification were seen as challenges to American interests. The subsequent assassination attempt on Park in 1974, which killed his wife, was a stark indicator of escalating tensions. Park's authoritarian rule and actions against American advice culminated in his assassination in October 1979 amidst widespread protests. A fatal confrontation with KCIA Director Kim Chaegyu ended Park's life, marking a turbulent close to a period of transformative but contentious leadership.

ABC news announcing Park’s assassination

The circumstances surrounding Park Chung-Hee's assassination are shrouded in speculation, particularly regarding potential CIA involvement. Kim Jae-Gyu, who was held accountable for the assassination, claimed his actions were motivated by a desire to restore democracy and prevent further bloodshed. Notably, Kim had regular interactions with the CIA station chief and is reported to have met with the US ambassador shortly before the assassination, raising suspicions about whether the CIA had foreknowledge or even played a role in the event. In 1999, William Gleysteen, the then US ambassador, acknowledged some level of US involvement, fueling further speculation. Park's demise catalyzed the pro-democracy movement in South Korea, with the US's backing, leading to the gradual dismantlement of Park's authoritarian regime. His funeral in Seoul drew massive crowds, signifying the nation's anxiety and uncertainty about its future and governance.

In the wake of Park's death, South Korea underwent significant Westernization, marked by a push towards liberalization in economy and culture. The government loosened its grip on the chaebols, which played a critical role in the country's economic development but also presented new challenges. This shift led to a debt crisis, surging consumerism, declining birth rates, and a move towards a more globalized society. The growing dominance of chaebols began to eclipse the government's influence, ushering in a period of dramatic transformation that resembled a Cyberpunk dystopia, highlighting the complex outcomes of these rapid changes in South Korea's economic and social fabric.

Conclusions

In the 20th century, Park Chung-Hee stood out as a pivotal figure in the historical narrative, embodying diverse ideologies and championing Korean sovereignty against American influence. His journey saw him serving under the Japanese Empire and aligning with Korean communists before propelling his economically distressed nation towards remarkable prosperity. Yet, Park's legacy challenges the conventional dichotomy of free market capitalism, suggesting that strategic central planning might outperform laissez-faire economics. Park adopted an interventionist stance that favored a Corporatist economy and the establishment of efficient bureaucracies aimed at stimulating economic growth, all while maintaining Korean cultural integrity. The tangible results of Park's initiatives are a testament to their effectiveness. However, his life was cut short by assassination, leading to the disintegration of his political vision. The impact of his policies, transcending the ideological motivations behind them, mirrors the historical footprint left by figures like Napoleon. While legends and myths often blur the lines of reality, the undeniable truth remains that Park's ambitious goals ultimately contributed to his tragic end. Nevertheless, his contributions to South Korea's development and his efforts to curtail American dominance are indelibly etched in history.

“Whom would I choose as the best leader in the past thousand years of Korean history? There were various leaders who were very competent and did their best. Among them, I would choose the one who dedicated himself to the modernization of this nation with foresight, an ability to read the trends of his time, and outstanding knowledge of the economy. That is President Park Chung-Hee.” 

— Seungsook Moon, The Cultural Politics of Remembering Park Chung-Hee