Rudolf Jung: The Karl Marx of Nazism

by Bogumil

Early Years

Rudolf Jung was born on April 16, 1882, in Plass, a quaint town in Bohemia, and spent his formative years in Iglau, a nearby Moravian city. Iglau, known for its military presence, also functioned as a linguistic island for ethnic Germans within the Czech territories of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. This setting, with its significant Sudeten German population, was rife with ethnic tension, stemming from the rivalry and discord between Czech and German workers. These early experiences significantly molded Jung's outlook and beliefs as he grew older. In his teenage years, Jung moved to Vienna for his studies at the Technical High School, where his evident intellect led him to a university education and eventually a doctorate in mechanical engineering by 1906. This achievement secured him a position as a railway engineer. It was likely during this period that Jung began to engage in political activism.

The Austrian state railways, known for their strong union presence divided by ethnic lines, were a hotbed of competition over jobs and disputes over language use on signs and documents, control of certain railway sections, and the placement of Czech workers in areas predominantly inhabited by Germans, and vice versa. The nationalist trade unions, split along these ethnic divides, played a significant role in the railway industry, drawing Jung into their midst. His experiences on the railways reinforced the beliefs formed in his youth in Iglau. Jung saw Czech immigration as a threat to German labor, driving down wages and forcing Germans to seek employment elsewhere for better conditions. The union-dominated railway environment, along with his interactions with the working class there, further shaped his social views. His deep involvement in union politics eventually led his employers to transfer him from Vienna back to Bohemia, ironically moving him from one center of social-nationalist tension to another.

Joining The DAP

While in Bohemia, Jung came into contact with the Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (DAP, or German Workers' party), which was founded in 1904 in Trautenau by disenchanted Social Democrats and members of nationalist trade unions. The party’s ethos, a blend of völkisch nationalism and proletarian socialism, deeply resonated with him. It aimed to uplift the German working class while simultaneously harboring strong anti-Czech sentiments. About a year after Jung joined the party in 1908, the term "National Socialism" started to gain traction among its members, informally defining the DAP's core ideology.

Iglau, 1913

Jung's keen intellect and organizational talents swiftly elevated him to a leading role within the DAP. By 1913, he was not just an elected member of the Moravian Landtag for the party but also instrumental, with his colleague Walter Riehl, in formulating the "Iglau Program." This new agenda was a radical shift from the earlier Trautenau Program, explicitly renouncing Marxism and intensifying its focus on anti-Slavic and anti-Semitic sentiments. The Iglau Program championed a variant of socialism that was national in scope, positioning itself as a genuine alternative to the then-prevalent internationalist Marxism. It called for the expansion of German territories to safeguard this vision of socialism and included demands for pan-Germanism, the socialization of monopolies, the elimination of unearned incomes, and a unified stance against Slavs, Jews, capitalism, clericalism, and Marxism within the German community. This program became the cornerstone for Jung's subsequent ideas and significantly influenced the evolution of the National Socialist movement.

Jung's commitment to the DAP's cause led to friction with his employers, culminating in his dismissal as a state locomotive engineer in 1910. He then dedicated himself fully to the DAP as a paid organizer. His role became especially crucial with the onset of World War I in 1914, as his exemption from military service (likely due to his engineering expertise needed domestically) allowed him to assume leadership within the party, in the absence of many senior members who were conscripted.

Under his leadership, the DAP adopted a supportive stance towards the war, endorsing a militant patriotism that marked a departure from its earlier skepticism about the Austro-Hungarian Empire's dual monarchy. With political activities on hold, the DAP's non-conscripted members engaged in moderate industrial activism to protect the employment rights of German soldiers. Jung also continued his writing, guiding the party towards a more radical direction. He introduced the motto "Gemeinnutz geht vor Eigennutz" ("the common good comes before self-interest"), laying a foundational principle of National Socialist ideology that persisted until 1945. Furthermore, he argued for the German acquisition of Lebensraum (living space) in the East as spoils of war.

Founding The DNSAP

After World War I ended in 1918, the DAP entered a transformative stage, gathering in Vienna on May 5th to choose a new name and set forth a revised agenda. This move was a direct response to Austria-Hungary's defeat and the anticipated collapse of the Empire, including the fall of the monarchy. The party decisively rejected the Habsburg monarchy, now advocating for Austria to join the German Reich. It was during this pivotal time that the party officially embraced the term "National Socialism," rebranding itself as the Deutsche Nationalsozialistische Arbeiterpartei (DNSAP, or German National Socialist Workers' party). Jung was instrumental in drafting the DNSAP's updated program, which outlined its ideological direction as shown in the following principle statement excerpt:

“THE GERMAN NATIONAL SOCIALIST WORKERS’ PARTY seeks the uplift and liberation of the German working classes from economic, political, and spiritual oppression and their full equality in all areas of völkisch and state life… Not revolution and class struggle, but creative reform work alone can overcome today’s unbearable social conditions… Private economy can never be wholly or violently abolished but alongside it all forms of communal property should be increased… We advocate unconditionally the transfer of all large capitalist-monopolistic concerns to the state, province, or township.

THE GERMAN NATIONAL SOCIALIST WORKERS’ PARTY is no narrow class party; it represents the needs of all honest labor. It is a freedom-loving and strictly völkischparty and hence opposes all reactionary efforts of clerical, noble, and capitalist privilege and every foreign influence, above all of the Jewish-commercial spirit, in all areas of public life. The supremacy of work and skill in state and society is our goal; the unity of the German working population in economic and political action is the means to this end.”

— German National Socialist Workers' party Vienna program

Early DNSAP party symbol, designed by Dr. Walter Riehl

The Vienna Program marked a pivotal evolution in Jung's National Socialist thought, merging aspects of previous DAP initiatives with a clearer, more sophisticated articulation of his viewpoints, showcasing a decade's worth of intellectual growth. Politically, the program presented a somewhat softened stance, branding the party as both "liberal" and völkisch (nationalistic) while calling for the establishment of a "democratic and social German Reich." Economically, however, the Vienna Program adopted a bolder stance. It recognized the value of restricted private ownership that benefited "the common good," but also advocated for the nationalization of key industries and sectors, including transportation, mining, banking, hydroelectric power, insurance, and advertising, labeling any large-scale capitalist enterprise that negatively impacted the volk (ethnic community) as a target for state control. Moreover, it envisioned banks under this scheme to be not just state-owned but democratically managed. This blend of pushing for a "democratic and social German Reich" while promoting the nationalization of crucial industries encapsulated Jung's ideal of a society where socialism and nationalism were balanced. It underscored his conviction in the state's significant role in the economy to safeguard and promote the welfare and interests of the German volk.

Jung and Der Nationale Sozialismus

Despite the breadth and depth of the new Vienna Program, Jung was aware that more work was needed to strengthen and broaden the National Socialist movement. He recognized the necessity of not only revising the party's program but also creating a foundational ideological text that would do for National Socialism what Marx's Capital did for communism. Jung felt the movement lacked a comprehensive doctrinal guide that would situate National Socialism within a larger historical narrative and delve into its theoretical underpinnings in detail. Jung's drive to undertake this project was not purely political; it also had a significant personal aspect. He envisioned himself as the "Karl Marx" of National Socialism, aiming to cement his intellectual leadership and ensure his enduring influence in the movement's history and among the German populace through his writings. This ambition represented a dual objective for Jung, embodying his desire to mold the ideology and secure a permanent place in the annals of the National Socialist movement.

The book Der Nationale Sozialismus

Jung's 1919 publication, National Socialism: Its Foundations, Its Evolution, and Its Objectives, established a foundational intellectual framework for National Socialist ideology, merging a shorter and less theoretical approach than Marx's Das Kapital with a rich tapestry of ideas drawn from Social-Democratic, Pan-German traditions, and a diverse array of thinkers including Paul de Lagarde, Friedrich List, Houston Stewart Chamberlain, Ludwig Woltmann, Paul Lensch, Eugene Dühring, Georg Ritter von Schönerer, Oswald Spengler, Silvio Gesell, Ferdinand Lassalle, Werner Sombart, Friedrich Naumann, Ludwig Feuerbach, Johann Karl Rodbertus, and Fichte.

This work represented a synthesis of the multifaceted philosophical streams that had been converging in German and Austrian thought, effectively setting the stage for the development of National Socialist theoretical tradition. Despite its relative obscurity in contemporary discussions, Jung's contribution was pivotal, predating and influencing subsequent seminal National Socialist texts by Feder, Hitler, and Rosenberg. Jung's work introduced and elaborated on many concepts that would become central to National Socialist ideology, including critiques on Mammonism and the delineation between productive and exploitative capital, ideas that Feder and others would later adopt and popularize. Alongside works like Alois Hudal's The Foundations of National Socialism, Jung's publication stands as a cornerstone of National Socialist political theory, an overlooked gem in its ideational legacy.

The book begins by anticipating the agrarian romanticism and the "blood and soil" ethos that Richard Walther Darré and the NSDAP would later champion. Drawing from the völkisch tradition, Jung articulates a vision of German history where the medieval peasant life, idealized for its harmony, was eroded by foreign influences. He nostalgically recalls a Teutonic Golden Age where German society was defined by an inherent racial purity, the "German spirit," epitomized by the communal and culturally rich lives of tribal peasants and artisans deeply connected to their land. Jung argues that the introduction of Roman law, with its abstract and "oriental" origins, and capitalism, imbued with a "Jewish spirit," initiated a decline in this idyllic social order.

Jung criticizes Roman law for replacing the Germanic tradition of natural law, which was organically derived from the people and the land, with a state-derived system that alienated the law from the German populace. He saw capitalism as exacerbating this disconnection, with industrialization displacing peasants and diminishing artisans' creative capacities, thereby fostering division and strife within society. He identified various modern elements — usury, the banking system, foreign capital, liberal democracy, and Marxism — as accomplices in this degradation, facilitating exploitation and division in pursuit of wealth and power. Jung's narrative thus frames the decay of German society through the lens of these two disruptive forces, setting a foundational critique that would resonate within National Socialist ideology.

Jung posited that a historical perspective allows for the distinction between commerce and property rights across pre-capitalist and capitalist periods. In the era preceding capitalism, property was the result of direct labor, and trade was conducted on a modest scale. This period was characterized by Germans cultivating their land with domestically produced tools, where ownership of productive resources like land was communal. In contrast, the advent of capitalism introduced a system where wealth was accumulated not through labor but through financial mechanisms such as loans, rents, and interest. This era saw the rise of large industrial conglomerates and retail monopolies, often in cahoots with banking institutions, sidelining small traders and craftsmen. The introduction of foreign labor and ownership resulted in the disenfranchisement of Germans from their lands and concentrated the means of production in the hands of a few, even at the cost of inefficient utilization. For Jung, these shifts symbolized the advent of "Mammonism," a materialistic ethos imbued with what he termed the "Jewish spirit," prioritizing personal gain over communal welfare.

Jung also highlighted the survival of genuinely German economic elements within the capitalist framework, embodied by "creative workers" engaged in labor that benefits both the individual and society. He differentiated between this "creative national capital" and "destructive finance capital," the latter being non-productive and predicated on exploitative practices for profit generation. A core objective of National Socialism, according to Jung, was the eradication of the destructive aspects of finance capital and Mammonism to pave the way for a Germany founded on a collective labor ethos and respect for work. Jung positioned National Socialism as the sole path to redemption for the German worker, critiquing Social-Democrats for their neglect of German interests in favor of Czech minorities in Austria and the Sudetenland and for their internationalist stance that overlooked the menace of Jewish finance capital. He dismissed social democracy as alien, overly materialistic, and under undue Jewish influence, incapable of fostering a true Volksgemeinschaft (people's community). In his view, only a national variant of socialism could cultivate such a community.

The principles laid out in "Nationale Sozialismus" would resonate with and shape the ideologies of Hitler's later adherents. Themes such as Mammonism, and the distinction between productive and exploitative capital, were further explored by figures like Feder, aligning with Darré's agrarian völkisch beliefs and the notion of a capitalistic "Jewish spirit" echoed by Hitler's mentor, Dietrich Eckart. Gregor Strasser expanded on Jung's inclusive definition of the "working classes" to encompass all engaged in productive labor. These concepts, emphasizing labor's dignity and a community of productive workers, became central to the NSDAP's rhetoric. While not the sole originator of these ideas, Jung was pivotal in integrating them with socialist critiques to offer a comprehensive ideological framework.

A notable divergence between Jung's vision in Nationale Sozialismus and later National Socialist ideology lies in their approach to governance. Both repudiated parliamentary democracy as a mechanism for Jewish exploitation, but Jung advocated for a corporatist model inspired by Oswald Spengler, reminiscent of medieval estates and featuring a decentralized power structure across the Reich's territories. This model envisaged governance by a meritocratic elite, socialized industries, and territorial expansion in the East, underpinned by a peoples army. While these ideas found resonance within certain National Socialist factions, the NSDAP under Hitler favored a more federalist, centralized, and overtly totalitarian regime, diverging significantly from Jung's proposals.

Jung and Hitler

In Nationale Sozialismus, Jung offers a fascinating glimpse into how Adolf Hitler's ascent influenced the National Socialist movement. The early editions of his book, published in 1919 and 1922, extend dedications to "the courageous, the energetic, and the selfless," reflecting the pan-German nationalism symbolized by the "black-red-gold storm-banner" prevalent in Austria during that era. However, by the time the third edition rolled out in 1923, significant changes were evident. The dedication had shifted to Adolf Hitler, and the foreword now extolled the "red swastika banner" over the previous symbol. Moreover, certain portions of the text were revised to better resonate with the burgeoning Führerprinzip, or leader principle, that was gaining traction within the movement.

Yet, Jung's dynamic with Hitler was complex and nuanced. When Jung's work first hit the shelves, Hitler was a relatively obscure figure, and the Bavarian DAP, which he had joined, was the smallest and least influential among the National Socialist groups. The 1919 split of the DNSAP, prompted by the formation of Czechoslovakia, led to the establishment of separate Sudeten and Austrian branches. Despite the fragmentation, these branches were more robust and influential than the Bavarian DAP. Consequently, Jung, with his stature as a prominent leader within the Sudeten DNSAP and his election to the Czech Parliament in Prague in 1920 — a position he maintained until 1933 — was in a position of notable preeminence. Considering his long-standing involvement with National Socialism, predating even the war, and his intellectual contributions to its ideology, Jung was positioned to be a primary figure of authority across German-speaking regions.

“Sturm! Sturm! Sturm!” Poster announcing a joint meeting by Hitler & Jung, 1922

Over time, Hitler's ascendancy began to eclipse that of Jung. In September 1919, connections were forged among National Socialist parties in Austria, Czechoslovakia, Polish Silesia, and Germany, leading to a pivotal moment where Jung is believed to have influenced Hitler and Drexler to rechristen the Bavarian DAP as the "National Socialist German Workers' party" in 1920. An essential international gathering in Salzburg in August 1920 underscored the collective belief in the pan-German movement's need for cooperation. The Sudeten and Austrian DNSAP had already established an "Interstate Chancery" in December 1919 to synchronize their political and union activities across borders, a framework that was broadened to include other parties. This resulted in the formation of the "National Socialist party of the German Peoples," aimed at unifying the movement under a shared program and activism strategy.

Nevertheless, Hitler resisted these collaborative efforts. Although he was supportive of the DNSAPs and even campaigned in Austria for National Socialist candidates, he was averse to ceding his burgeoning control within the NSDAP to external entities. As Hitler's influence intensified and the NSDAP started to reflect his ideologies more prominently, his relationship with Jung grew more intricate. Jung, along with others, conceded that the leadership of their pan-German movement should emerge from Germany, the Reich's core. He recognized Hitler's capabilities and his achievements in strengthening the NSDAP. Jung was intellectually prepared to acknowledge Hitler as his leader but found it challenging to completely submit to Hitler's authority.

Their divergent perspectives contributed to this dynamic. Although Jung advocated for revolution and opposed democracy, his views were somewhat aligned with those of the Social-Democrats. He criticized liberalism and championed socialism, seeking a societal overhaul through reformism rather than radical means, and aimed to protect the Sudeten German minority in Czechoslovakia from potential risks. On the other hand, Hitler, particularly in his early political career, leaned towards a more revolutionary stance. At that time, the NSDAP dismissed the idea of parliamentary participation, pushing for a total revolutionary transformation of the state. By early 1922, Hitler had consolidated his leadership within the NSDAP, eliminating any internal party democracy. In contrast, Jung maintained a democratic approach within his DNSAP, where members elected party leaders and policies were decided through discussions and voting. Jung's preference for dialogue and his anti-coup stance were evident in his 1930 letter to Otto Strasser, urging him to reconcile with the NSDAP.

“What is needed instead is sober work within the parliament… Now you are of the opinion that the Reich party [the NSDAP] has abandoned socialism and is no longer in a position to win over the artisans [Handwerker]. According to my experience, one achieves this only when the party is strong enough to protect them and to work in their social and political interest. But that in turn is only possible when the party enters the Reichstag in greater numbers. Then it would be compelled to take stands on the issues of the day soberly and objectively in the various committees and plenary sessions. That is the way we do it. Nor does one need to atrophy, as our example demonstrates. We achieve the necessary balance through large rallies, for example the ‘völkischer Tag‘ [‘German Day’], and are simultaneously party and movement.”

— Rudolf Jung letter to Otto Strasser 1930

In spite of their ideological and strategic divergences, Hitler and Jung managed to maintain their collaboration throughout the 1920s. Following Hitler's unsuccessful coup attempt in 1923, Jung made frequent visits to him while he was incarcerated in Landsberg Prison. Hitler acknowledged the necessity of keeping ties with Jung, who was a key figure for the volksdeutsch, the ethnic Germans living near the border. On the other hand, Jung recognized the need to stay connected with Hitler, not just because of his own leanings towards the concept of Führerprinzip but also due to Hitler's significant sway over the Czech and Austrian branches of the DNSAP. During the late 1920s and early 1930s, the Czech DNSAP saw a remarkable surge in its growth, a phenomenon largely attributed to Hitler's expanding influence. The allure of National Socialism, amplified by the NSDAP's dynamic rallies, marches, and confrontations, captivated young Sudeten Germans. Despite his own beliefs, Jung found the DNSAP increasingly emulating the NSDAP in terms of its symbols and adoption of militant radicalism.

Flight Into Germany

The creation of the Volkssport as a paramilitary wing by the DNSAP, emulating the NSDAP's approach, spelled trouble for Jung. Initiated in 1929 by youthful Sudeten German National Socialists, the Volkssport ostensibly functioned as a sports club with activities like gymnastics, cycling, and hiking. Yet, its true intent was to mirror the NSDAP's Sturmabteilung (SA), serving as the DNSAP's paramilitary faction. The group swiftly rose in popularity and prominence. This move did not go unnoticed by the Czech authorities, who were already wary of Hitler's ascending power and the possibility of a fifth column among the country's significant German population. In response, November 1932 saw the commencement of the "Volkssport trial," a notable legal action against the organization. The trial led to the forced disbandment of the Volkssport and the conviction of seven of its leaders on charges of breaching the Law for the Protection of the Republic.

The symbol of the Volkssport, directly modelled on that of the SA

The Volkssport trial became a catalyst for the Czech government to escalate its actions against the DNSAP. The parliamentary immunity of Jung and other party members was revoked, their offices were raided, and numerous activists found themselves under arrest. The situation grew even more dire for the DNSAP leadership with Hitler's rise to Chancellor on January 30, 1933, heightening their perceived threat to the Czech state as potentially treasonous. The affirmation of the Volkssport trial's verdict and the guilt of the so-called Volkssport Seven by the Supreme Court in Brünn signaled to the DNSAP leaders that a ban on their party was looming. To preempt this, an emergency meeting was convened on September 28, 1933, resulting in the voluntary dissolution of the DNSAP. While some key figures managed to flee to Germany, Jung was apprehended on October 4th and detained, only managing to escape to Germany seven months later.

Upon his arrival in Germany, Jung endeavored to secure the recognition and influence he felt his long history of activism warranted. His high profile facilitated his entry into the NSDAP, and by 1935, he was honored as an "Alter Kämpfer" or "old fighter," for his involvement in the National Socialist movement prior to 1930. He was assigned a low membership number (Pg.85) and awarded the prestigious Golden Party Badge, designated for the first 100,000 members. In 1936, Jung's political career advanced with his appointment to the German Reichstag as a delegate for Westphalia-South. Further accolades came in 1938 when he was named an "honorary Gauleiter" and bestowed the title of SS-Gruppenführer in recognition of his three decades of activism.

Despite these accolades, Jung, who viewed himself as a pivotal intellectual figure in National Socialism, found these recognitions unsatisfying, yearning for a role of genuine prestige and power which eluded him. Between 1937 and 1940, he served as a professor at the Holschule für Politik in Berlin, focusing on political theory and publishing on ideological topics and critiques of the Czech nation and state. He fervently denounced the Czech people and pushed for the immediate annexation of the Sudetenland. Additionally, Jung maintained covert contacts with National Socialists in Czechoslovakia, who had by late 1933 reconstituted as part of the Sudetendeutsche Heimatsfront (Sudeten German Homeland Front).

Reconvening of the banned DNSAP, shortly after the annexation of the Sudetenland, 1938

Returning Home

Jung harbored ambitions for a prominent administrative role within the territories Germany had annexed, specifically the Sudetenland and later the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. He envisioned himself in high-ranking positions, such as Gauleiter, mayor of Prague, or even the Rector of Prague University. However, these aspirations went unfulfilled, leaving him deeply dissatisfied. In 1943, Jung and his family relocated to the Protectorate, where he assumed the position of Reich Inspector for Labor Management within the Arbeitseinatz, tasked with overseeing the government's involvement in the local labor market.

As the war neared its end, Jung, then largely oblivious to the unfortunate turn his life was about to take, was perceived by those around him as a discontented figure. Once a prominent leader and intellectual within an international political movement, he likened himself to the "Karl Marx" of a novel economic ideology. Yet, he lamented that the movement had evolved beyond him, relegating him to a relatively insignificant role in a less significant region of the Reich. Jung was acutely aware that his contributions had not been fully recognized and that he lacked the same level of renown as other leaders from the movement's early days.

Jung's end was marked by tragedy. In early March 1945, with the Russian army advancing, he sent his family and possessions back to Germany, seeking safety. However, on May 5th, amidst the Prague Uprising, he was detained in his office. Initially placed under police watch rather than being jailed, he was later transferred to Pankrac Prison to face trial for his involvement in the German occupation. Given the strong anti-German sentiment in the country, intensified by the Soviet Red Army's presence, and his own history of vehement anti-Czech expressions, Jung likely saw little hope for survival or leniency. On December 11, 1945, within the confines of a dismal Czech prison cell, the man once seen as the Karl Marx of German National Socialism ended his own life. Despite his intellectual contributions, his legacy largely perished with him.

An aged Rudolf Jung in his uniform

Original article: https://arplan.org/2018/10/17/profile-rudolf-jung/amp/