Russian Fascism: The Historical Development

by Slavic Nation and Zoltanous

After the formation of the USSR, the emergence of fascist ideology in Russia seemed unlikely. The White Army's defeat and the elimination or scattering of conservative factions left scant space for Fascist ideologies within the new Communist power. Nevertheless, Russian expatriates, embittered and disenchanted post-World War I, began crafting a unique fascist movement. This was driven by their loss of hope for a return to Russia and a persistent dedication to the counterrevolutionary principles once espoused by the White Army. Although Russian expatriates occasionally established Fascist groups like the Russian National Socialist Movement in Germany, it was in Harbin, Manchuria, in the Far East, that Russian Fascism truly thrived. Harbin, home to a substantial Russian expatriate community, offered the perfect setting for the rise of a Vozhd— a leader akin to the Italian Duce or German Führer — who would steer the Russian fascist movement towards its intended course.

Russian Fascist party Blackshirts marching

Konstantin Rodzaevsky became the personification of Russian Fascism, leading the evolution of the movement into a concrete political entity, the All Russian Fascist party. Born in 1907 in Blagoveshchensk, he came from the declining Siberian middle class. His upbringing was influenced by his father, a well-educated notary, and his mother, who focused on nurturing Konstantin and his siblings — his younger brother Vladimir and sisters Nadezhda and Nina.

A photograph of Konstantin Rodzaevsky

Rodzaevsky's life trajectory shifted significantly when he chose to escape the Soviet Union's grip as a Komsomol member, taking refuge in Manchuria. Here, his legal and political journey began, shaped by the nationalist and anti-communist ideologies of figures like G. K. Gins and N. N. Nikiforov, whose lectures he attended. His ideological path led him toward Fascism. In the company of other law students, Rodzaevsky became enthralled by Benito Mussolini and his Blackshirts, whose discipline and assertive political stance deeply influenced him and his peers in their quest to oppose the Soviet Bloc. This admiration led Rodzaevsky to adopt the Blackshirt uniform for his own party, and Mussolini's rhetoric heavily guided his speeches and the crafting of his party's agenda. 

Rodzaevsky at the head of the RFP, meeting Vonsyatsky at Harbin station

Eventually, the Russian Fascist party (RFP) was founded in Harbin in 1931, with Rodzaevsky at the helm as General Secretary. The party quickly rose to prominence in the Far East, and in 1934, it expanded significantly after merging with the All Russian Fascist Organization headed by A. A. Vonsiatsky, becoming the preeminent Russian émigré group. Rodzaevsky excelled as a propagandist during this period, promoting a unique brand of Fascism tailored to Russia, which he called Russian Fascism. While influenced by European fascism, Russian Fascism was crafted to resonate with Russian history and identity, distinguishing itself by its staunch Orthodox Christian stance.

With a rallying cry of "God, Nation, Labor," it promoted a melding of church and state to morally and spiritually renew the Russian populace. It aimed to undo the chaos wrought by the Russian Revolution and prior, standing against both capitalism and communism to unite and revitalize the fragmented Russian Empire. Russian Fascism's genesis was not just contemporary; it drew on deep-seated Russian traditions and was solidified through the activities of the All RFP. The party's adoption of the yellow, black, and white tricolor flag paid tribute to the old Russian Empire's banner. The party's ranks were even bolstered by former Black Hundreds members and remnants of Roman von Ungern-Sternberg's troops, further rooting it in Russia's historical narrative.

Russian Fascist leaflet

Fascism in Russia has its ideological roots in the era of Tsar Alexey Mikhailovich, whose governance is sometimes considered an early model of the corporate state. During his rule, Russian society was stratified into defined classes, each operating within their own corporate — like entities or syndicates. The Zemsky Sobor, a form of assembly comprising representatives from these various strata, is seen as an early form of the corporate representation found in modern states. Rodzaevsky did not shy away from proclaiming his plans to repurpose Communist structures while excluding Jews in the wake of a potential fascist conquest of the USSR. This parallels the structural similarities observed between Soviet economic organization and fascist corporatism. He advocated for leveraging the existing framework of the USSR to support a national revolution, aiming to prevent chaos. He also suggested the creation of state unions to enable natural free associations, echoing the neo-Eurasianist ideas associated with Roman von Ungern-Sternberg.

The Russian Fascists Women's League

Russian Fascism mounted a fierce critique of the USSR and Marxism, with a pronounced emphasis on anti-Semitism, a central theme in Rodzaevsky's prolific output. His extensive array of books and articles, many of which appeared in the party's newspapers "Наш путь" (Our Way) and The Nation, broadcasted his anti-Semitic ideology. Among his writings, Contemporary Judeification of The World stands out as particularly influential. Beyond his anti-Semitic propaganda, Konstantin Rodzaevsky's literary contributions include notable titles such as The ABC of Fascism, Criticism of The Soviet State, The Russian Way, and The State of The Russian Nation, each adding to his ideological legacy.

Russian Fascist propaganda

Influenced by Hitler's National Socialism and following a union with the Russian Fascist Organization, the RFP adopted the Swastika as its emblem. Rodzaevsky's profound respect for Hitler's ideology led him to weave similar principles into his brand of fascism. He perceived the USSR and the so-called "Russian" revolution as machinations of Jews, freemasons, and international cabals, viewing Jews as masterminds behind a despotic Soviet regime that subjugated Russians. Rodzaevsky considered Jews a menace, aiming to corrode the Russian nation from within with their purported malevolent schemes. These anti-Semitic views caused rifts within the party. Anastasiy Vonsiatsky, once at the forefront of the RFP, departed from the party, objecting to Rodzaevsky's anti-Semitic views and the forced inclusion of certain members due to Japanese influence. Vonsiatsky eventually re-engaged with the RFP but subsequently left once more to establish his own faction in the United States, the Russian National Revolutionary Labor and Workers Peasant party of Fascists, alternatively known as the All Russian National Revolutionary party.

A photograph of Anastasy Vonsiatsky

Vonsiatsky maintained ties with Fritz Kuhn, leader of the German-American Bund, and played a role in securing Kuhn's release from imprisonment in 1939. His network also included William Dudley Pelley of the Silver Legion of America. In 1942, Vonsiatsky found himself under arrest by the FBI, facing charges of clandestine dealings with National Socialist Germany. He was accused of conspiring to aid Hitler's regime, a violation of the Espionage Act, and was subsequently sentenced to five years in prison and fined $5,000. Released before serving his full sentence in 1946, he maintained his innocence throughout the trial, insisting he held no loyalty to Nazi Germany. He positioned himself as a monarchist and non-antisemitic, claiming his use of the swastika was not connected to Hitler or Nazism. Vonsiatsky died from a heart attack on February 5, 1965.

Russian Fascism developed under the Stalinist regime of the USSR, differentiating it from the Italian and German variants that emerged from liberal capitalist contexts. It sought national liberation as a key aspect of its agenda. Rodzaevsky condemned Stalinism as the peak of Marxist materialism's ruinous impact, criticizing the USSR for quashing dissent, repressing religion, and hindering Russian innovation and identity. Although Russian Fascism positioned itself as a counter to communism, it shared with other fascist ideologies the Third Position’s rejection of capitalism and liberal individualism. It advocated for a degree of limited private property, setting itself apart from what it cast as the exploitative nature of what it deemed Jewish capitalism. Russian Fascism, while generally eschewing overt racial doctrines, made an exception in its antipathy towards Jews, perceiving the Russian nation as:

“The Russian nation is the spiritual unity of all Russian people on the basis of consciousness of a common historical destiny, a common national culture, traditions, etc. Thus, the Russian nation includes not only Great Russians, Belarusians and Little Russians, but also the other peoples of Russia: Georgians, Armenians, Tatars, etc.”

“Fascism takes from the past everything that is dear to the heart of every man, it preserves the religion bequeathed by its ancestors and the spiritual family of man – the nation. On the basis of a historically formed nation, on its roots, it creates a new special system, remaining faithful to the traditions of the past, carefully preserving them. At the same time it provides the possibility of constant perfection of social and political forms, applying them to the last necessities of life.“

— Konstantin Rodzaevsky, ABC of Fascism

Russian Fascism adopted the concept of a shared destiny that unified not only ethnic Russians but also encompassed various historical, religious, and ethnic groups within its sphere. This inclusive and adaptable stance highlighted the Eurasianist elements within Russian Fascist thought. Although the Russian nation and Slavic peoples were at its core, the movement was open to other groups that showed a willingness to participate in forging a collective national entity. This inclusive approach to diverse groups was a signature trait of Russian Fascism. Additionally, Russian Fascism placed a significant emphasis on the ideology of Eurasianism and underscored Russia's distinctive role as a cultural and geographical link between Europe and Asia. This perspective deeply informed Russian Fascist ideology, shaping its vision of Russia's historical and cultural legacy. By integrating Eurasianism, Russian Fascism aimed to chart a course that recognized and embraced the complex tapestry of influences from both Europe and Asia that have shaped Russian identity. 

The "Russian Club" in Manzhouli, Manchukuo, in the 1930s. The large neon swastika was intended to be visible from across the Soviet border

Rodzaevsky harbored an intense aversion to Atlanticist ideologies, to the point where he equated the British Empire, White supremacist views, and Judaism as comparable entities.

"The British imperialists understand the old Jewish saying: "Only Jews are human beings, the rest are mere humanoid creatures" somewhat differently: "Only whites are human beings, the rest are mere humanoid creatures," narrowing the concept of the "white race" for some as applicable only to Europeans, and for some others only to themselves, the English: "Only Englishmen are human beings, the rest must serve the gentlemen!" In addition to the merchant navy and the English island war fleet. The age of the Great Jewish Preparation turns out to be at the same time the most English age of world history - the age of world trade, colonial conquest, imperialism and the development of maritime travel, the age of the navy. England becomes the mistress of the Mediterranean, the Atlantic and the Indian Oceans, dreaming of dominating the Pacific, or Great Ocean, so that all the waters of our land, as well as the land and the air, eventually become part of her fiefdom - the fiefdom of world Jewry."

— Konstantin Rodzaevsky, Contemporary Judaisation of The World

Moreover, Rodzaevsky viewed liberalism as fundamentally flawed and philosophically void, believing it to be intrinsically motivated by the interests of the wealthy elite.

Within the Russian Fascist movement, a notable group emerged that saw Hitler's regime as malevolent, urging Rodzaevsky to cut all connections with Nazi Germany, including the removal of the swastika from their insignias. They argued that Hitler's apparent antagonism towards Russia and Slavs justified this break. However, Rodzaevsky resisted calls to denounce Hitler, resulting in some members departing from the party. The signing of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, which initiated a period of Soviet-German collaboration, caused further disillusionment within the RFP. The pact was prioritized by the German leadership over supporting expatriate political factions, leading to an exodus of party members who were upset by Germany's engagement with the USSR. Rodzaevsky openly condemned the agreement.

Despite these internal conflicts, Rodzaevsky supported the Nazi campaign against the British Empire and was eager for external involvement in the battle against what he termed Judeo-Bolshevism. He staunchly endorsed the German invasion, viewing it as the beginning of Russian emancipation. In June 1941, following the Nazi advancement eastward, Rodzaevsky, along with fellow Russian Fascists, visited the German consulate to offer their salutations and chants of "Hail Hitler" the day after the war's outbreak. Rodzaevsky articulated that the RFP did not perceive the conflict as an assault on the Russian populace but as a crusade to destroy communism. Concurrently, Rodzaevsky held a prayer ceremony at the Orthodox Cathedral in Harbin's Old Cemetery, praying for the success of the German military.

Hitler the Liberator

Throughout the conflict, the RFP undertook multiple attempts to undermine the Soviet Union, though their actions largely ended in failure. Consequently, Rodzaevsky found it necessary to forge connections with Imperial Japan, which came to be their principal supporter. With the aid of the Japanese, Rodzaevsky was appointed to lead the cultural and educational section, known as the 2nd department, within the Bureau for Russian Emigrants in Manchuria (BREM). For his committed service, he received the BREM Main Bureau's Badge in June 1941. Although Rodzaevsky was keen to take a more active role in the war, the Japanese insisted he confine his efforts to sabotage operations against the Soviet Union. Thus, his focus remained on executing such acts rather than participating in direct military engagement. 

Russian Fascists with Japanese representatives

Russians Fascist volunteers in the Japanese Kwantung Army

Russian military detachments, presumably in the battles of Khalkhin Gol

The Russian Fascists undertook illicit activities, including drug smuggling, abductions, bombings, border conflicts, and blackmail, as part of their sabotage efforts. These criminal undertakings prompted both Italian Fascists and German Nazis to distance themselves, with Mussolini condemning them as a blot on the good name of fascism. Disillusioned by the party's immersion in criminality, some fervent members opted to leave the group. Rodzaevsky engaged in dialogues with influential Japanese figures, meeting with General Araki, a pro-war Japanese war minister, in 1934 and 1939, and with Matsuoka, who later assumed the role of Japan's foreign minister. The Japanese authorities remained loyal to the Russian Fascists, even permitting them to honor Emperor Hirohito on the anniversary of the Japanese Empire's establishment. The RFP literary propaganda flourished with Japanese financial support, and Rodzaevsky was a key figure in this capacity, contributing as an author and propagandist.

Unfortunately, as rumors of Nazi atrocities against Russians circulated, the party's support waned. Soviet propaganda further influenced individuals to abandon the party or renounce Rodzaevsky's leadership due to his alignment with the Nazis. Eventually, the Japanese grew wary of Rodzaevsky, suspecting him of Soviet connections and questioning his mysterious departure from Russia. By 1943, the party was outlawed in Japanese-occupied Manchuria, ostensibly to prevent conflict with the Soviet Union. With the Soviet invasion of Manchukuo in 1945, Rodzaevsky escaped to Shanghai, reportedly longing for the family he had left behind.

Post-war, a demoralized Rodzaevsky penned an article, The Week That Reforged The Soul, revealing his emotional turmoil and remorse over his past actions. To evade possible execution by the advancing Soviet forces, he began to argue that the Soviet regime was adopting nationalist tendencies, pointing to reinstated military ranks, gender-segregated education, Russian patriotic revival, and the veneration of historical figures as evidence. He also praised policies supportive of family values and the Orthodox Church's reintegration into Russian life. In a dramatic shift, Rodzaevsky acknowledged the USSR as the legitimate successor to the Russian Empire and declared Stalin to be the true Fascist leader he had been seeking. He penned personal letters to Stalin, which contained such contentious material that even his ex-wife and acquaintances questioned their authenticity. His writings echoed the ideology of Nikolay Ustryalov's notion of Russian National Bolshevism.

“I made an "Appeal to an Unknown Leader" in which I called on strong elements within the USSR to save the state and save millions of Russian lives condemned to death in the war, to nominate X Commander, an "Unknown Leader" capable of overthrowing the "Jewish government" and creating a New Russia. I failed to see then, by the will of fate, his genius and millions of working masses, that the leader of the peoples, Comrade J. V. Stalin was that unknown leader.”

“This is our "Russian Fascism", cleansed of extremes, illusions and delusions.”

— Konstantin Rodzaevsky, Letter to Stalin, 22 August, 1945

Rodzaevsky was given promises of safety and the offer of a position as a journalist. Subsequently, he moved to Beijing and spent several weeks living at the Soviet embassy. During this time, he harbored reservations about the advisability of going back to Russia. Nevertheless, after contemplating his situation and encountering setbacks, Konstantin ultimately made his decision.

“No, the door is now shut, there is no going back. My family can pay for my past decisions of moving forward and my return but I can't allow this in any way.”

— Konstantin Rodzaevsky, quoted in The Russian Fascists by John J. Stephan

Upon his arrival back in the country, Rodzaevsky was detained by Soviet officials. He, along with other Russian expatriates like Grigory Mikhailovich, was brought to trial. Rodzaevsky was charged with involvement in anti-Soviet endeavors since his departure from the USSR. He was specifically indicted for founding and leading a Russian Fascist Organization, spreading anti-Soviet propaganda among Manchurian White Guards, and creating anti-Soviet literature such as leaflets, pamphlets, and books. Additionally, he was accused of international activities, which included establishing similar fascist organizations and groups in Manchuria, China, Europe, and the United States. The court's findings also indicated his participation in plans to assault the USSR in collaboration with Japanese military leaders, organizing and personally partaking in provocations staged by Japanese intelligence that served as a justification for Manchuria's occupation. Moreover, he faced allegations of forming and preparing spies and terrorists drawn from the ranks of the RFP for operations against the USSR.

The arrest and trial photos

Every one of the accused confessed to their crimes. The proceedings commenced at 5:00 am on August 30, 1946, and by 5:30 am, the trial had concluded with the reading of the sentence. Rodzaevsky received the death penalty. It is said that his final proclamation was "Long Live Russia!" before he faced execution by firing squad on the very day of his conviction, within the depths of the USSR's MGB building at Lubyanka. Rodzaevsky's final written work, The Last Will of a Russian Fascist, saw publication in 2001. However, on October 11, 2010, the Krasnoyarsk Central District Court in Russia labeled the book as extremist content. To date, no formal exoneration has been granted to Rodzaevsky, save for a fleeting reference by Alexander Dugin in his work discussing The Russian Conservative Revolution. Regrettably, Rodzaevsky is often viewed as a mere tool used by foreign powers to further anti-Russian or anti-Slavic political aims. To many in Russia, he is considered a figure who was exploited by both Japanese and German interests. Despite any dissenting opinions, this perception marks the unfortunate and somber nature of his historical footprint. With Rodzaevsky's end, the last echoes of authentic Russian Fascism dissipated, sinking into the annals of history. 

“The swastika over the Kremlin will shine brightly. And so the black sun will pass through Moscow, Long Live Russia!”

— Konstantin Rodzaevsky, allegedly his last words before execution