Nicola Bombacci: The Communist In a Blackshirt
by Zoltanous
Introduction
On April 29, 1945, key figures of the Fascist hierarchy were executed by communist partisans. Among them was Nicola Bombacci, whose history was in sharp contrast to the allegiance he held at his life's end. Initially a pivotal force in Italian communism and a founder of the Italian Communist party (PCI), Bombacci was well-acquainted with Lenin, having spent time in the Soviet Union during its transformative years, and was known among the upper circles as "The Red Pope." Yet, in a striking turn, Bombacci aligned himself with Mussolini in the final phase of his regime. Such a switch in Bombacci's stance begs questions about his motives: Was it a genuine ideological shift, a betrayal, or a strategic move towards National Bolshevism? Bombacci's legacy, marked by his unique personality and political journey, continues to be relevant, inspiring modern revolutionary Fascist groups like CasaPound Italia. This article revisits the life of Nicola Bombacci, emblematically a Communist in a Blackshirt.
The Revolutionary Years
Nicola Bombacci entered the world on October 24, 1879, into a deeply religious Catholic household, his father being both a cultivator of the land and an ex-combatant in the service of the Pontifical State. His birthplace was in the province of Forli in Romagna, not far from Predappio — the town that would later be recognized as the birthplace of Fascism's eventual founder. The region, notorious for its fervent labor disputes and defiant peasantry, played a significant role in shaping his formative years. Heeding his father's wishes, Bombacci embarked on seminary studies, only to abandon them following his father's passing. In 1903, he joined the ranks of the anti-clerical Socialist party (PSI) and set his sights on teaching as a means to support the struggles of the disadvantaged—a trajectory reminiscent of Mussolini's own path as an educator before veering towards a political career. Before long, Bombacci's energies were wholly invested in the cause of the socialist revolution.
Mussolini at a meeting of the Italian socialists
Bombacci's adeptness at organization saw him take the helm of the socialist press, enhancing his sway within the labor movement and eventually leading him to the position of Secretary for the Central Committee of the party. It was in this capacity that he encountered a youthful Benito Mussolini, who at the time was emerging as a prominent personality in Italian socialism. Bombacci, together with Antonio Gramsci, went on to establish the PCI following a rift within the Socialist party. In the 1920s, he journeyed to the USSR to immerse himself in the Bolshevik revolution, building upon his previous support for the Soviet cause. His rapport with Lenin in Russia was underscored by Lenin's recognition of Mussolini as a potential revolutionary leader for Italy — though this notion would soon drastically alter with Mussolini's adoption of Fascism.
As a commanding presence in the PCI, Bombacci was vilified by the Italian upper class as "The Red Pope" and found himself confronting the ascending Fascist front, led by Mussolini. He was indefatigable in his attempts to obstruct the rise of Fascism, wielding his editorial influence to galvanize opposition. In this era of upheaval, Fascists derisively suggested using Bombacci's beard as a buffer for Mussolini's skull, while the communist faction was embroiled in internal conflicts over nationalism versus internationalism. Bombacci, who had displayed nationalist tendencies even during his Socialist party days, had once defended D'Annunzio's Fiume endeavor as revolutionary, which resonated with Lenin's previous assessments at the Moscow Congress.
The 1922 Fascist March on Rome precipitated Mussolini's climb to authority, which at the time was not entirely consolidated within the nascent regime. Bombacci, serving as a deputy and a central figure in the party's Central Committee and international relations, frequently traveled overseas. He represented Italy at the Fourth Congress of the Communist International and engaged with leaders of the Russian Bolsheviks through the Anti-Fascist Action Committee. Having devoted half his lifetime to the proletariat's struggle, Bombacci's commitment to his socialist ideals remained steadfast. He ardently supported stronger ties between Italy and the USSR in parliamentary discussions and via communist publications, espousing a national-revolutionary discourse that caused unease within his own party, particularly against the backdrop of Fascism's ascendancy.
Bombacci's call for a fusion of national pride with socialist leadership — a "Third Way" that melded Fascist revolutionary nationalism with communist revolutionary socialism—sparked allegations of apostasy and calls for his renunciation. The established communist doctrine could not abide by his envisaged union of a robust nation with a government of workers and farmers that revered the inviolable rights to one's homeland.
Nicola Bombacci seated in the center
Nicola Bombacci found himself increasingly marginalized within the PCI and politically isolated, yet he retained his connections to Russian officials and collaborated with the Russian embassy, with his son even residing in the USSR. Despite his eventual shift towards Fascism, Bombacci never renounced his Bolshevik inclinations, demonstrating his adherence to the Soviet model of national-centric revolution. Following his ejection from the party in 1927, Bombacci experienced a period of relative obscurity, until 1936 when he launched his own publication, La Verità. It was through this platform that he began to edge closer to Fascism by 1943, a gradual realignment that reflected his ongoing commitment to revolutionary principles, corporatism, and the social initiatives of the Fascist movement, which he had previously identified as fundamentally socialist in nature as early as 1928.
This narrative indicates that Bombacci was not innately a Fascist, but instead was drawn to specific elements of the regime and held a personal regard for Mussolini. His steadfast refusal to join the National Fascist party, his noted camaraderie with Mussolini, coupled with his aversion to accepting roles that might jeopardize his communist values, all underscored his dedication to his own ideology. Bombacci highly prized his autonomy. Yet, he came to believe that the corporatist state as proposed by Fascism represented an exemplary embodiment of socialism in practice, even considering it a superior alternative to communism. Bombacci was transparent about his beliefs; his magazine La Verità, in 1936, openly declared his concurrent allegiance to both Fascism and communism.
“Fascism made a great social revolution, Mussolini and Lenin. Soviet and corporate fascist state, Rome and Moscow. We had to rectify a lot, nothing to forgive us for, because today as yesterday we are driven by the same ideal: the triumph of labor.”
— Nicola Bombacci, quoted in Revolutionary Fascism by Erik Norling
During this era, Bombacci was in frequent communication with Mussolini, attempting to influence the ex-socialist's approach to social policy. The esteemed historian of Fascism, Renzo de Felice, recognized Bombacci as a key influence behind some of Mussolini's policy decisions in the 1930s. In a letter dated July 1934, Bombacci presented a plan for an autarkic economy, a concept Mussolini would eventually adopt, and conveyed his desire to support the Corporate State's triumph. His magazine also championed economic self-reliance, positing that autarky would empower Italy to resist what he saw as the plutocratic nations of the USA, France, and England. Bombacci fervently supported Italy's intervention in Ethiopia in 1935, interpreting it not as colonialism but as a precursor to a global confrontation between "proletarian" nations, including Fascist Italy, and "capitalist" countries. He envisioned a "world revolution" that would recalibrate international power dynamics. To Bombacci, the Ethiopian campaign was a "proletarian conquest," poised to undermine capitalist dominance and signal a turning point in liberating oppressed people of color from severe capitalist exploitation and slavery.
From 1936 to 1943, as Fascism grappled with the intensifying trials of war and the specter of defeat, Bombacci doubled down on his ideological allegiance to Mussolini. Entering his sixties, Bombacci had seen many socialist goals remain unachieved, but his idealism persisted. He was resolute in continuing the fight for socialism, which he considered an extension of "the economic redemption and spiritual elevation of the Italian proletariat" that early socialists had started. Despite the financial collapse of his publishing ventures and the challenges noted by his biographers, he avoided full assimilation into the official Fascist ranks to preserve his independent stance, though he at times begrudgingly accepted subsidies from the Ministry of Popular Culture.
A photo of Bombacci
In this period, Bombacci took stock of past missteps and leveled critiques at Russian communism, accusing it of succumbing to capitalist forces and straying from Lenin's legacy. In November 1937, he contended that the USSR's ties with democratic countries were purely self-interested. Bombacci condemned Stalin's Soviet Union as a collaborator with "Masonic-Jewish-international capitalism," a notion that had roots in early 20th-century socialist rhetoric, which, like Karl Marx, sometimes linked Jewish identity with capitalist exploitation. His version of anti-Semitism was social, not racial, reflective of Mediterranean perspectives on Jewish matters, distinct from the racial anti-Semitism typical of German or French narratives.
As World War II progressed, especially after the conflict extended to the Eastern Front, Bombacci took an active role in the regime's anti-communist efforts. Drawing on his expertise as a former communist leader with insights into the USSR, he emerged as a key figure. Nevertheless, he stuck to his convictions, sharpening his critique that Stalin and his regime had perverted the revolution. Bombacci wrote numerous pieces lambasting Stalin, revealing the grim conditions of life in the so-called "communist paradise" and the policies that undermined Leninist socialism. In 1943, on the brink of Fascism's collapse, Bombacci summarized his views in a propaganda leaflet.
“Which of the two revolutions, the Fascist or the Bolshevik, will make history in the 20th century and will go down in history as the creator of a new order of values?
Social and global?
Which of the two revolutions resolved the agrarian problem by truly interpreting the desires and aspirations of the peasants and the economic and social interests of the national community?
Rome won!
Materialist and semi-barbaric Moscow, with a totalitarian capitalism of a Master State, wants to join forces (five-year plans), leading its citizens to the darkest misery, to the industrialization that exists in countries that during the 19th century followed a process of regime bourgeois capitalist. Moscow completes the capitalist phase.
Rome is something else.
Moscow, with Stalin's reform, institutionally portrays itself at the level of any bourgeois parliamentary state. Economically there is a substantial difference, because, while in bourgeois states the government is formed by delegates from the capitalist class, here the government is in the hands of the Bolshevik bureaucracy, a new class that in reality is worse than this capitalist class because it rules without any control of work, production and the lives of citizens.”
— Nicola Bombacci, The Peasants In Mussolini's Italy
The RSI and The Fall of Fascism
When Mussolini was deposed in July 1943 and later rescued by German forces, the National Fascist party had effectively disintegrated. Its structure had collapsed, and many of its leaders, who were from the upper strata of society, quickly positioned themselves with Badoglio's government. Italy was divided, with Allied forces advancing northward from south of Rome. In this chaos, Mussolini convened his most dedicated supporters — veterans of the movement's early days and fervent young followers, though few were high-ranking officials — to form the Italian Social Republic (RSI). This new state seemed to signal a return to the revolutionary origins of Fascism, and Nicola Bombacci pledged his support to the fledgling republic, committing himself to Mussolini. Bombacci aimed to fulfill the dream of a "Workers' Republic" that both he and Mussolini had advocated in their youth. Alongside Bombacci, other prominent leftists joined the new government, such as Carlo Silvestri, a socialist deputy and post-war proponent of Mussolini's legacy, and Edmondo Cione, a socialist philosopher allowed to establish a separate socialist party outside of the Republican Fascist party.
Bombacci's first communication with Mussolini in this redefined setting occurred on October 11th, just over a month after the RSI was proclaimed, via a letter. Writing from Rome — where Fascist remnants had been violently uprooted by its residents — Bombacci seized the opportunity to declare his fidelity to Mussolini. His solidarity came not during a time of prosperity but amid hardship, displaying the dedication of a true ally. Following the King and Badoglio's betrayal, which resulted in disorder and stained Italy's dignity, Bombacci argued that the nation was now free from its plutocratic and monarchical past. He posited that the path forward was through Fascist socialism, stressing the need for a military triumph supported by the proletariat. Bombacci believed this victory required substantial and radical changes in the economic, productive, and labor realms. He also affirmed his unwavering loyalty and affection for the Fascist cause.
An RSI anti-Royalist song
As Mussolini faced escalating military challenges but grew more resolute in his revolutionary pursuits, he permitted the party's more extremist elements to assume power. This ushered in the "socialization" phase (a term coined by Bombacci), which brought forth a range of socialist reforms. These included the creation of worker councils, joint management of companies, profit sharing, and nationalizing major industries. The tenets of this new course were captured in the 18 Points enacted at the sole congress of the Republican Fascist party in Verona, a manifesto co-drafted by Mussolini and Bombacci that served as the blueprint for the RSI.
Alessandro Pavolini reading out Mussolini’s message to the Verona congress
In foreign affairs, Mussolini, swayed by Bombacci, entertained the idea of brokering peace with the USSR to resurrect the Rome-Berlin-Moscow axis, reminiscent of the National-Bolshevism movement from the 1920s. Despite awareness of considerable opposition to this concept within the party, especially from Roberto Farinacci, Mussolini penned several articles for the republican press in support of the idea. Bombacci moved to the north, remaining in proximity to Walter Mocchi, another ex-communist leader who had turned to Fascism and was employed by the Ministry of Popular Culture.
Bombacci, was celebrated for his fiery speeches and disdain for bourgeois comfort, declined any salary or perks, though he was contemplated for remuneration by the Ministry of Economy and the Single Confederation of Labor and Technique only as of early 1945. As Mussolini's close advisor and confidant, Bombacci sought to reconnect workers with the party. He advocated for the creation of union committees that included non-fascist members and pushed for democratic union elections. He traveled to factories across the industrial north, ardently conveying the new regime's social revolution and his rationale for backing it.
Bombacci's efforts revived the original revolutionary zeal, and after a gathering in Verona and visits to socialized enterprises, he reported to Mussolini on December 22, 1944, about his encouraging exchanges with the workforce. But as the military situation deteriorated, communist insurgent groups marked him for elimination due to the role he played in the RSI. As the conflict neared its climax, Mussolini, influenced by Bombacci and Carlo Silvestri, pondered ceding control to the socialists within the National Liberation Committee. In April 1945, German military commanders capitulated to the Allies without the knowledge of their Italian allies, heralding the regime's downfall. Mussolini found himself forsaken and isolated.
In the RSI's last days, Nicola Bombacci devoted himself to mobilizing the populace and deflecting them from Bolshevism. At the close of 1944, he issued a tract titled This Is Bolshevism, which Crociata Italica, a Catholic publication, later reprinted in March 1945. Within this work, Bombacci fiercely denounced the Stalinist perversions of authentic communism, which he claimed had subverted true revolutionary syndicalism in Europe through Russian interference. During the RSI's final chapter, Bombacci sided with those favoring a settlement with the adversaries to circumvent Italy's total ruin. Steadfast to the bitter end, he remained at Mussolini's side even as their plight grew increasingly hopeless. In one of his last public addresses in March 1945, Bombacci manifested this unyielding dedication to his ideals:
“Brothers of faith and struggle… I have not renounced my ideals for which I fought and for which, if God lets me live longer, I will always fight. But now I find myself in the ranks of the colors that fight in the Italian Social Republic, and I came again because now it is serious and truly decisive to demand the rights of the workers…”
— Nicola Bombacci quoted in Revolutionary Fascism by Erik Norling
Bombacci's allegiance remained steadfast, and he conducted himself with poise as he joined Mussolini on his ultimate, ill-fated voyage. On April 25th, Bombacci found himself in Milan. Vittorio Mussolini, the Duce's son, recounted his father's final meeting with Bombacci, a testament to Bombacci's unshakeable commitment to the very end.
“I thought about the fate of this man, a true apostle of the proletariat, at one point a staunch enemy of Fascism and now at my father's side, without any position or prebend, loyal to two different leaders until death. His calmness was a comfort to me.”
— Vittorio Mussolini, Life With My Father
Mussolini made a last attempt to save his faithful followers from their grim destiny by separating from them, but it was not long before Bombacci and other Fascist officials were apprehended by communist partisans. On the morning of April 28th, Bombacci met his end before a firing squad in the northern Italian town of Dongo. By his side were several figures: Barracu, a valiant ex-serviceman scarred by war; Pavolini, the lyrical secretary of the party; Valerio Zerbino, a man of scholarly pursuits; and Coppola, yet another intellectual. As they faced their executioners, their voices united in a final patriotic cry, "Long live Italy!" At the moment of his demise, Bombacci, felled by the communists' gunfire, exclaimed with conviction: "Long live Socialism!"
The grim spectacle of Bombacci's body, together with those of Benito Mussolini, Clara Petacci, and other deceased Fascists suspended by their feet from the steel beams of an unfinished Standard Oil gas station in Piazzale Loreto in Milan elicited a variety of responses from onlookers. Some people in the crowd, driven by a desire for retribution, may have felt a sense of closure, yet many, regardless of their political stance, found the scene distasteful and repugnant. The episode even prompted some anti-fascists to reconsider their support for communism, disconcerted by what they saw as the partisans' brutal actions. For a significant number, the sight of the corpses displayed in such a way was regarded as a shameful and disrespectful treatment of the dead, no matter their wrongdoings.
Footage of the bodies
Following the event, Bombacci's body, like the others involved in the grim display, was removed. Local officials would typically oversee the removal of such displays once they served their intended purpose. The bodies of those who had been executed were then quietly interred in anonymous graves or, in certain instances, released to relatives for private funerals. Specific information regarding the posthumous treatment of Bombacci's remains is not as readily available, and it remains less clear compared to the aftermath for Mussolini, whose corpse endured additional affronts before it was ultimately laid to rest in the Mussolini family's mausoleum in Predappio.
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