The Evolution of The Term: “Third Position”

by CSD and Zoltanous

Introduction

The terminology of "Third Position" did not emerge from the political vernacular of either Italian Fascism or German National Socialism. Rather, it was the regime of Juan Perón in Argentina that holds the distinction of being the first to officially endorse the third position moniker. Antecedent to Perón's adoption of the term, “Third Way” and “Third Front” had existed, yet these were largely utilized by peripheral or non-mainstream entities within the third position movement, distinguished by their left-leaning proclivities. In this article I traced the lexical and ideological evolution of the third position and related expressions. This endeavor will cast light on the divergent ideological paths that have branched off from the foundational precepts of fascism, and other well - established third position ideologies. In addition, this study will critically examine the shifts in meaning and context that the term has undergone throughout its historical development.

It is also essential to acknowledge the peculiar co-optation of third way during the administration of President Bill Clinton, wherein it was repurposed to articulate a neo-liberal agenda — an antithesis to the original ethos of the third position. While this neo-liberal iteration of the term briefly captured the zeitgeist, reshaping the discourse around centrism and market-oriented reform, it remains a distinct departure from the term's historical lineage. Although this neo-liberal iteration will be noted, the primary focus of this article will remain on the term's association with anti-liberal and radical political stances, rather than the centrist and market-friendly liberal policies that came to be associated with the third way during the 1990s.

Italian Fascism

Within the discourse propagated by Benito Mussolini and the circle of intellectuals supporting Italian Fascism, there was a pronounced advocacy for what can be characterized as a "Third Position." Although this terminology was not explicitly utilized in contemporary discussions, the essence of their rhetoric aimed at delineating an ideological pathway distinct from the prevailing currents of liberal capitalism and Marxist socialism. Mussolini was motivated by the aspiration to foster a national synthesis, diverging from these established frameworks, underpinned by the conviction that the resurgence of Italy and the re-establishment of a new Roman Empire necessitated a departure from the dominant 20th-century ideologies.

The dialogues and textual outputs of Mussolini and associated Fascist thinkers frequently underscored the envisaged establishment of a Corporatist State, a cornerstone of Fascist ideology. This envisioned state structure sought to reorganize economic and societal mechanisms in a manner that was neither capitalist nor communist. Instead, it was predicated on the concept of a national community and the organic integration of all social classes within the State apparatus. Mussolini's oratory and written works levied critiques against Marxism for its internationalist orientation and emphasis on class conflict, as well as against capitalism for fostering individualism and economic disparities. In positioning Fascism as what he called a "Third Path," Mussolini articulated a vision of national and collective resolution, as a viable alternative to the dichotomy of capitalism and communism.

A pivotal intellectual proponent of this third position was Giovanni Gentile, frequently lauded as the "philosopher of Fascism." Gentile's actualist philosophy, with its accentuation on the Ethical State wherein individual liberation is achieved through and within the state, supplied a critical theoretical scaffold for Mussolini's aspirations. This framework aimed to amalgamate individuals into a cohesive national collective, wherein personal interests were aligned with the broader objectives of the nation, thereby offering a pronounced counterpoint to liberalism and Marxism. The articulations of Mussolini and the intellectual contributions from Fascist theoreticians played a seminal role in sculpting the ideology of the coming third position. This path repudiated the materialistic tendencies of Marxism and the individualistic leanings of liberal democracy, advocating for a collectivist, nationally unified community.

The German Nationalists

The concept of a "Third Position" in 1920s Germany, articulated by figures like Arthur Moeller van den Bruck and Karl Otto Paetel, represented an early effort to establish a political ideology distinct from both Western capitalism and Soviet communism. Moeller van den Bruck, a key figure in the conservative revolutionary movement, proposed a synthesis of nationalism and socialism to create a uniquely German solution. Although he admired Mussolini, Moeller van den Bruck was critical of Hitler and envisioned a "Third Empire" that would lead a new socio-political order beyond the existing systems. This vision sought a national renewal and a rejection of the liberal democratic order.

Karl Otto Paetel, aligning with the conservative revolutionary and National Bolshevik circles, initially sought an alliance including the left-wing elements of the National Socialist party (associated with Otto Strasser), the Communist party of Germany, and national revolutionary movements. His manifesto advocated for ethnic nationalism combined with radical economic reforms such as the abolition of private property, establishment of council communism, strong anti-imperialist stance, and a rejection of liberalism, Nazism/Italian Fascism as degenerated capitalism. However, Paetel's efforts were thwarted by the rise of the Nazi party, leading to the suppression or exile of the groups he aimed to unite.

Within Hitler's circle and the broader Nazi leadership, the Third Position's conceptual underpinnings of transcending traditional capitalism and communism were influential, albeit not explicitly labeled as such. High-ranking officials like Joseph Goebbels emphasized National Socialism as a unique solution, focusing on creating a new German socialist society that transcended class differences through a shared national and racial identity. The Nazi regime's policies reflected a radical alternative to existing economic and political systems, implementing a command economy with strong state control over industry while maintaining private property, and rejecting both Marxism and capitalism.

Juan Perón‘s Argentina

Juan Perón's rise to power in Argentina in 1947 through a military coup marked a significant moment in the country's political history, as he introduced and promoted the concept of a “Third Position.” This ideology sought a middle ground between the capitalist Western nations and the communist Eastern bloc, aiming to forge a unique path for Argentina that diverged from the polarities of the Cold War era. Perón's ability to garner support from a broad ideological spectrum, including Marxists and fascists, showcased his adeptness at political maneuvering and his commitment to a diverse, inclusive form of nationalism.

Perón's diplomatic endeavors were notable, particularly his maintenance of ties with Fidel Castro's Cuba, which underscored his anti-imperialist stance and his desire to assert Argentina's autonomy on the international stage. Despite expressing admiration for leaders such as Benito Mussolini and Adolf Hitler for their organizational and mobilizational capabilities, Perón distinctly rejected racial nationalism and anti-Semitism. His admiration for Mussolini's Italy and Nazi Germany centered around their ability to mobilize and organize society, particularly through the involvement of people's organizations in politics and the creation of a well-organized community served by the state.

Central to Perón's domestic policies was his strong support for trade unions, which played a crucial role in his social and economic reforms. By backing workers' rights and adopting anti-imperialist stances, Perón aimed to elevate the working class and reduce foreign influence in Argentina's affairs. His socially conservative views, however, sometimes contrasted with his progressive economic policies, illustrating the complexity of his political ideology.

After being ousted in the early 1950s, Perón lived in exile in Spain, from where he continued to influence Argentine politics until his return in the early 1970s to serve a third term. His death shortly thereafter led to a fragmentation of the Peronist movement into leftist and rightist factions, culminating in the violent and tumultuous period known as the Argentine Dirty War. This conflict further complicated the legacy of Peronism, as the movement's core ideals became diluted, with only its populist essence remaining intact.

The period following Perón's departure and subsequent death marked the first instance when neo-fascist factions began to actively adopt the term third position. This adoption signaled a shift in the ideological landscape, as these factions sought to align themselves with Perón's attempts to transcend traditional political dichotomies. Despite this, the essence of Perón's third position — with its emphasis on national sovereignty, social justice, and economic independence — continued to influence Argentine politics, illustrating the enduring impact of his vision.

Henning Eichberg and Germany Now

The concept of the "Third Position" as articulated by Henning Eichberg and his contemporaries in the German context during the 1960s and 70s was essentially an effort to redefine nationalist ideology outside the traditional right-left political spectrum. This ideological stance sought to overcome the binary opposition of capitalism versus communism by proposing a synthesis that emphasized nationalism, but with a unique twist that included elements traditionally associated with leftist politics, such as anti-imperialism, and support for national liberation movements across the globe.

The third position’s usage by the Nazis, or more specifically its adaptation and utilization in a modern context that references back to National Socialism, is complex. The original Nazis, under Hitler, did not use the term third position in the way it was later used by post-war nationalists and neo-fascist movements. However, the Nazis did indeed position themselves as beyond the conventional left-right dichotomy, advocating for a "Third Way" between capitalism and communism, which they saw as two sides of the same Jewish-controlled conspiracy. This notion of a third way was rooted in the desire to create a racially pure, authoritarian state that transcended economic ideologies in favor of national and racial unity.

The post-war third position thinkers, while seeking inspiration from conservative revolutionaries and even distancing themselves from the more odious aspects of National Socialism, still echoed this sentiment by advocating for a nationalism that was not strictly aligned with either capitalist or communist blocs. Their interest in figures like Otto Strasser, Ernst Niekisch, Karl Otto Paetel, and Arthur Moeller van den Bruck. Strasser's vision of National Socialism was indeed a form of third position politics, as it sought a nationalist socialism distinct from both Western capitalism and Soviet communism.

The reappropriation of the term by figures like Eichberg to include support for third-world liberation movements, environmentalism, and ethnic pluralism represents a significant evolution of the concept, demonstrating an attempt to embed nationalist ideology within the framework of global anti-imperialist struggles. This ideological evolution, however, did not erase the foundational nationalist and sometimes ethno-centric elements of their thought, leading to criticisms of attempting to co-opt leftist ideologies for a fundamentally nationalist agenda. Thus, the use of third position by these modern nationalists can be seen as an attempt to navigate the legacy of National Socialism by reinterpreting and selectively adopting aspects of its ideology in a way that seeks legitimacy and resonance in the post-war political landscape, which was increasingly dominated by Cold War binaries.

As of recent in Germany, the third position ideology is exemplified by Der III. Weg (The Third Path), a neo-fascist political party that advocates for an alternative to both capitalism and socialism. This groups ideology blends nationalism, environmentalism, and social justice but is framed within a context that is both nationalist and racist. The party fervently promotes strong nationalist beliefs, focusing on the preservation of German national identity and culture, enforcing strict immigration policies, and opposing globalization. It also proposes social welfare policies that are exclusively for ethnic Germans. The ideological foundation of Der III. Weg draws from Adolf Hitler's National Socialism and Otto Strasser's form of National Socialist ideology, though it does not strictly adhere to either. This melding of influences directs Der III. Weg's efforts to reshape social and economic policies around a concept of ethno-national unity, navigating a path between historical influences and modern nationalism.

The Italian Years of Lead

During the "Years of Lead," a tumultuous era in Italy spanning from 1969 to 1988 characterized by a surge in political violence and terrorism, the term "Third Position" found new resonance among various nationalist and radical factions. This period was marked by acts of terrorism perpetrated by both left-wing communist groups and right-wing nationalist factions, leading to a state of chronic instability in the country. It was against this backdrop that several nationalist groups, some of which harbored fascist and Nazi ideologies, began to identify with the "Third Position" moniker. This label was notably adopted by a terrorist group explicitly naming itself third position, suggesting a desire to present an alternative to both Western capitalism and Eastern communism.

These groups, while distinct, often shared ideological underpinnings and, in some cases, were speculated to be interconnected or even different expressions of a singular organization. Their connections extended to controversial institutions such as the P2 Masonic Lodge and the Mafia, organizations that were historically at odds with the principles of Italian Fascism and German Nazism. This period saw a divergence from traditional fascist ideology, incorporating elements that were previously alien to fascist thought. Influenced significantly by the traditionalist philosopher Julius Evola, these groups espoused beliefs in ethnic pluralism, positioning themselves against both the USA and the USSR during the Cold War.

One of the more radical ideations to emerge from this milieu was "Nazi-Maoism," a concept attributed to figures like Franco Freda, who sought to synthesize elements from the extreme left and right of the political spectrum. This ideological blend was indicative of the third position factions' willingness to transcend conventional political boundaries in pursuit of their objectives. Despite their radical stances, these groups critiqued more mainstream nationalist parties, such as the Italian Social Movement, viewing them as too moderate and accommodating to the existing political order.

As Italy transitioned out of the Years of Lead and into the 21st century, the ideological legacy of the Third Position continued to influence certain segments of Italian political life. Modern political entities such as Forza Nuova and CasaPound have emerged, embodying the third position ideology with their blend of nationalist, anti-globalist, and social welfare positions. These groups advocate for a nationalist revival, drawing on the historical roots of Italian Fascism while seeking to adapt its principles to contemporary issues, such as globalization, immigration, and economic inequality. The evolution of the third position from a historical footnote of Mussolini's Italy to a defining characteristic of certain modern Italian nationalist movements illustrates the fluid and adaptable nature of political ideologies. It highlights how these ideas can be reinterpreted and repurposed to address the changing socio-political landscapes of different eras.

The French Third Way

In a parallel development to Italy's "Years of Lead," France in the 1980s witnessed the emergence of the Third Way (Troisième Voie), a group that aspired to carve out an ideological niche distinct from both capitalism and communism, much like its Italian counterparts sought with the "Third Position." Led by Jean-Gilles Malliarakis, an individual with pronounced sympathies for Italian Fascism, the Third Way aimed to establish a unique political trajectory that also embraced anti-Zionist sentiments. This movement's attempt to forge alliances with the French New Right, the Front National, and other right-wing factions, however, was met with limited success, precipitating internal conflicts within the group.

A significant schism within the Third Way occurred when Christian Bouchet and his followers dissociated from Malliarakis to form Nouvelle Résistance, a National Bolshevik group. This faction adopted a more lenient perspective towards the USSR, in stark contrast to the Third Way's original stance, and espoused a critical view of the United States. Nouvelle Résistance distinguished itself by advocating for secularism and environmentalism, reflecting a broader scope of concerns than the conventional nationalist agenda. The group later forged ideological ties with Alexander Dugin's National Bolshevik party and Troy Southgate's National Revolutionary Faction, indicating a convergence of third position ideologies across national borders.

By the turn of the millennium, Jean-Gilles Malliarakis had notably shifted his political orientation towards neo-liberalism, prior to his demise. In contrast, Christian Bouchet remained politically active, aligning with Dugin's geopolitical visions. Over time, Bouchet's ideological stance evolved towards traditionalism, diverging from his earlier National Bolshevik affiliations. He has advocated for Europe to cultivate stronger ties with Muslim countries, demonstrating an openness to cross-cultural alliances. This evolution of Bouchet's views underscores the fluidity of third position ideologies, as they adapt to changing geopolitical landscapes and incorporate diverse elements into their political discourse.

The developments in France during the 1980s and beyond reveal the complex and often turbulent nature of third position movements in Europe. Like their Italian counterparts, these groups have navigated ideological shifts, internal divisions, and evolving political landscapes, reflecting the broader challenges of defining a political identity that seeks to transcend traditional left-right dichotomies. The trajectory of the Third Way and Nouvelle Résistance underscores the dynamic interplay of nationalism, traditionalism, and global political thought within the third position framework.

British National Front

The British National Front (BNF), a political party with neo-fascist and white nationalist ideology, was established in 1967 by A.K. Chesterton. Initially, the BNF's membership was a mix of hardline conservatives, monarchists, and proponents of British ethnic nationalism, who sought to create a party that could offer a populist approach without direct ties to Nazism. However, by the 1970s, the party had shifted towards more extreme positions under the leadership of Neo-Nazis John Tyndall and Martin Webster. This radicalization resulted in a loss of widespread support, culminating in the party's defeat in the 1979 elections, where Margaret Thatcher’s more moderate stance on immigration issues proved more appealing to voters. Following this setback, internal divisions grew within the BNF, leading to Tyndall and Webster being ousted by a new wave of younger activists. This new leadership, including figures like Derek Holland, Nick Griffin, Patrick Harrington, Graham Williamson, Troy Southgate, and David Kerr, found inspiration in the Italian neo-fascism, as well as the ideas of Otto Strasser, Julius Evola, Colonel Gaddafi, Ayatollah Khomeini, and G. K. Chesterton.

The new leaders of the BNF, identifying with third positionist thought, began to purge the party of those adhering to Hitlerism, conservative Tory views, and reactionary elements. This faction, sometimes referred to as the Political Soldier wing or the Strasserist faction, distanced itself from biological racism, advocating instead for ethnic pluralism and building alliances with groups such as the Nation of Islam. They also sought ties with countries like Iran and Libya and promoted an economic model of Distributism. Efforts to reach out to Asian and black communities in England were made, but internal ideological conflicts and the BNF's lack of political traction led to another split. One faction, led by Patrick Harrington, David Kerr, and Graham Williamson, sought to remain in Britain, moderate their stance, and pursued connections with Zionist organizations. In contrast, another faction, including Nick Griffin, Troy Southgate, and Derek Holland, rejected this direction.

The Harrington-led group established the Third Way Think Tank and the National Liberal party, adopting Civic Nationalism and Distributism while fielding multi-racial candidates. Derek Holland went on to create the Third Position International, echoing the principles of the Official BNF but with increased influence from figures like Mussolini and Franco. Disagreements with Holland's direction prompted Troy Southgate to leave and form the National Revolutionary Faction, which later evolved into the National-Anarchist Movement. This group promoted anti-capitalist and anti-communist views, as well as racial, cultural, and religious separatism, and developed connections with the groups led by Bouchet and Dugin. The remaining members of Third Position International eventually merged with the British National party, which Nick Griffin later led.

Russian National Bolshevism

In the aftermath of the Soviet Union's dissolution in the early 1990s, Russia underwent a tumultuous transition marked by a radical shift from a centrally planned economy to one oriented towards market liberalism. This period, often associated with the presidency of Boris Yeltsin, saw the rapid privatization of state assets, which not only led to economic instability but also to the emergence of a class of oligarchs who amassed significant wealth and influence at the expense of the general population. Amidst the ensuing economic hardships, which included hyperinflation, unemployment, and a decline in living standards for many Russians, there was a growing sentiment that the nation's sovereignty and traditional values were being eroded under the influence of Western neoliberal policies and globalization.

It is within this context that the National Bolshevik Party (NBP), co-founded by Eduard Limonov and Alexander Dugin in the mid-1990s, sought to offer an alternative political vision for Russia. The party synthesized elements from both the extreme left and right, advocating for a “Third Posting” form of nationalism that was distinct from conventional fascism, as well as from Marxism. This amalgamation of ideologies positioned the NBP as a unique, albeit controversial, player in the Russian political landscape. The NBP's ideology, often characterized by its radical opposition to the Yeltsin administration and later to Vladimir Putin's government, was marked by a strong emphasis on reclaiming Russia's sovereignty, restoring its geopolitical might, particularly through the reintegration of Russian-speaking territories, and opposing the perceived encroachment of Western influences. The party's activities ranged from participating in protests and demonstrations to engaging in more direct actions, which at times brought them into conflict with the Russian authorities.

Alexander Dugin's departure from the NBP to focus on developing the so-called “Fourth Political Theory,” which sought to transcend traditional political dichotomies by advocating for a multipolar world order and emphasizing cultural and civilizational diversity, marked a significant ideological shift. Dugin's Eurasianism proposed a strategic vision for Russia as a cultural and political bridge between Europe and Asia, challenging both American hegemony and liberal democracy. Although Dugin has distanced himself from the third position, the essence of his political advocacy remains deeply rooted in third position principles.

Following the prohibition of the NBP in the late 2000s, Eduard Limonov's establishment of the Other Russia party demonstrated the resilience of the movement's core third position ideas and its continued appeal among certain segments of the Russian population. The party's activities, including its involvement in the conflict in the Donbass region, underscored its commitment to a vision of Russia that is both sovereign and influential on the global stage. The legacy of the National Bolshevik movement in Russia, with its complex blend of ideology and its contentious relationship with both the state and the broader political spectrum, highlights the ongoing struggle over Russia's identity, geopolitical orientation, and place in a rapidly changing world. Even after Limonov's death in 2020, the movement's influence persists, reflecting the deep-seated challenges and aspirations that continue to shape Russian society and politics.

The USA

Research conducted by Political Research Associates has cast a spotlight on the landscape of neo-fascist and nationalist organizations across the United States, revealing a broad spectrum of groups that have aligned with “Third Position” ideology. This ideological stance, which aims to transcend the traditional left-right political dichotomy by merging elements of nationalism and socialism, has captivated a varied cohort of adherents. These include the National Alliance, White Aryan Resistance, American Front, Traditionalist Worker party, American Third Position party (also known as American Freedom party), Patriot Front, Nationalist Social Club-131, American Blackshirts, and interestingly, certain Black nationalist groups such as the Nation of Islam and the Black Hammer organization as of 2022. This eclectic adoption highlights the complex and sometimes contradictory nature of the third position, underscoring its appeal across a wide array of socio-political contexts.

The American Front, initially established in the 1980s, exemplifies a neo-fascist group that has robustly embraced the third position. Over the years, it has advocated for a racially pure nation while broadening its stance to include almost communistic anti-capitalist elements. This evolution illustrated the adaptability of third position, especially in its attempts to critique both the global financial system and globalist economic practices while advocating for a society that aligns closely with its nationalist and racially-exclusive socialist ideals. Other groups, such as the National Alliance and the Traditionalist Worker party, have similarly melded nationalism with a form of socialism that serves their particular racial in-group, often emphasizing racial purity, anti-Semitism, and a rejection of democratic, capitalist, and communist systems. the White Aryan Resistance combines racist and anti-Semitic views with opposition to capitalist systems perceived as being controlled by Jews, showcasing a racial struggle within an anti-capitalist and anti-communist view.

The American Third Position party, renamed itself to the American Freedom party, it explicitly adopts a third positionist ideology to represent what it perceives as White Americans' interests, marrying White identity politics with a critique of global capitalism. The Patriot Front, emerging in the wake of significant white nationalist mobilization, has sought to redefine American nationalism with a third position framing, focusing on anti-globalism and a return to traditional values. Meanwhile, Nationalist Social Club-131 is just a more extreme split from Patriot Front. Even groups outside the traditional White nationalist sphere, like the Nation of Islam and the Black Hammer organization, have found resonance with third position principles through their critique of American capitalism and communism, emphasizing self-sufficiency, separatism, and the empowerment of colonized peoples via socialism.

Social media influencers, like the YouTuber Cultured Thug have played a role in disseminating the third position term as a descriptor for generic fascism. Cultured Thug advocates for a blend of nationalist and socialist ideas that challenges mainstream economics. This wide array of interpretations and applications of third position ideology underscores its malleability and the diverse ways in which different groups and individuals across the United States have sought to incorporate it into their socio-political agendas.

Conclusions

The discussion surrounding the “Third Position” underscores its role not simply as an ideology, but as a distinctive term that encapsulates a unique blend of nationalistic socialism, which positions itself firmly against both Marxist and capitalist frameworks. This descriptor encompasses a broad spectrum of beliefs that, while sharing a common nationalistic thread, vary widely in their specific stances on socialism, racial narratives, and their relationship with facets of fascism. Some within this spectrum may align closely with fascistic elements, whereas others decidedly reject such associations. For individuals who resonate with a nationalistic form of socialism that critiques both Marxism and capitalism, adopting the third position term is a reflection of a deeply personal and ideological alignment. This decision involves a thoughtful examination of the term's historical roots and the diverse array of beliefs it encompasses. Understanding the third position as a descriptor requires recognizing its significance as a label that not only identifies a specific stance within the broader socialist tradition but also delineates a clear opposition to the prevailing stance of Marxism and capitalism.

“We must take from the right nationalism without capitalism and from the left socialism without internationalism.”

— Gregor Strasser quoted in Wars, Revolutions, Dictatorships by Stanislav Andreski