The Fascist Internationale

by Zoltanous and Judas

Not widely known is the fact that Fascism, inherently nationalistic, actually developed an "Internationale" of its own, illustrating the ideology's universal aspirations. This phenomenon is detailed by James Strachey Barnes in The Universal Aspects of Fascism, where he argues that fascism uniquely tailors itself to the specificities of each nation's spirit, institutions, and culture. Benito Mussolini himself underscored that Italian Fascism was a unique expression of Italy, advising foreign leaders against mere imitation. This stance was mirrored in the assertions of Nazi ideologues regarding the particularity of German National Socialism. Yet, the notion of Universal Fascism came to the fore as a faction within the Fascist movement, advocating for a global imperial mission beyond national boundaries. Berto Ricci, a noted Fascist theorist, was a key proponent of this idea, denouncing nationalism and racism while calling for a fascist Internationale.

To advance this vision, the Comitati d'Azione per l'Universalità di Roma (CAUR) was formed in 1933, convening its initial congress in Montreux, Switzerland, in 1934. The congress aimed at bolstering the universal appeal of Fascism and forging links with fascist parties globally. This initiative was partly Mussolini’s response to counteract Adolf Hitler's influence, as he perceived a challenge to Italy's European dominance. Despite lacking formal backing from the Fascist party or its official representatives, the congress attracted leaders from various European fascist movements, including Ion Mota of the Iron Guard, Eoin O'Duffy of the Irish Blueshirts, and Gimenez Caballero of the Spanish Falangists, alongside participants from Austria, the Netherlands, Greece, France, Portugal, and beyond.

The absence of Nazi party members from the congress underscored Italy's efforts to dilute Nazi dominance, a stance further influenced by the assassination of Austrian fascist chancellor Engelbert Dollfuss by Nazi operatives. Mussolini's decision not to send official Fascist party representatives to the congress reflected a cautious approach, aiming to evaluate its potential impact before offering full support. Ramiro Ledesma Ramos’s authorization for Caballero to represent the Falange highlighted internal divisions, with José Antonio Primo de Rivera allowing Falange participation but emphasized:

“Falange Espanola de las J.O.N.S. is  not a Fascist movement.” 

— José Antonio Primo de Rivera quoted in Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera: The Foundations of The Spanish Phalanx by Nick W. Greger

Despite José's perplexing pronouncements, the Italians recognized the Falange as fascist, extending an invitation to them for the conference. However, prominent figures like Austrian leader Ernst Rüdiger Starhemberg and delegates from the British Union of Fascists were noticeably absent. The Montreux conference saw discussions on a range of contentious issues, including racism, objectives, and anti-Semitism, which led to disagreements and left some fundamental questions unresolved. The conference opened with significant discord among attendees, highlighted by a dispute between Eugenio Coselschi, who served as the Conference President, and Vidkun Quisling.

“Quisling provocatively stated, ‘Why don't we talk about the Universality of Berlin? Adolf Hitler is just as much an exponent of Fascism as Benito Mussolini!’

Coselschi responded by asserting, ‘Rome stands, throughout all history, for the Ideal State: authority created by Roman Law!’”

— International: Pax Romanizing Monday, Dec. 31, 1934 [https://web.archive.org/web/20101125075603/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,754480,00.html]

This altercation sparked widespread contention at the conference. Ion Mota broached the subject of anti-Semitism, prompting a nuanced response from the Italian delegation on the Jewish Question. The assembly resolved that the Jewish Question should not incite a global campaign of animosity towards Jews. Nonetheless, Mota managed to secure acknowledgment of the Jewish issue as a "state within a state" and as an internationalist revolutionary minority, culminating in a consensus to oppose it.

"Considering that in many places certain groups of Jews are installed in conquered countries, exercising in an open and occult manner an influence injurious to the material and moral interests of the country which harbors them, constituting a sort of state within a state, profiting by all benefits and refusing all duties, considering that they have furnished and are inclined to furnish, elements conducive to international revolution which would be destructive to the idea of patriotism and Christian civilisation, the Conference denounces the nefarious action of these elements and is ready to combat them."

— International: Pax Romanizing Monday, Dec. 31, 1934 [https://web.archive.org/web/20101125075603/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,754480,00.html]

Moţa's intention to garner support for German Nazism was somewhat realized with a compromise motion at the conference. By 1935, another Montreux conference was held, sparking intense debates among attendees. A notable aspect of the CAUR gatherings was the Italian effort to denounce and repudiate the Nordicist views associated with the NSDAP. Eugenio Coselschi took a stance against Alfred Rosenberg's Myth of The 20th Century, mistakenly conflating it with the entirety of Nazi ideology, which led to disputes, particularly with participants like the Iron Guard and Greek National Socialists who were outspoken in their support for Nazism.

Contrary to what some might think, José Antonio Primo de Rivera did not participate in the second conference. In the end, the CAUR did not succeed in forging a unified definition of "fascism" or in amalgamating the major fascist parties under a singular international banner led by Italy. It rather served as a vehicle for pro-Mussolini propaganda and an unsuccessful bid by Mussolini to counteract Hitler's growing influence. As ties between the Italian and German regimes strengthened, Mussolini's bid for dominance waned. By 1936, Mussolini was openly aligning more with Hitler, showcasing a convergence in their ideologies. His rhetoric and policies became increasingly marked by racism and anti-Semitism, aligning with the racially charged ideology within Fascist thought. This shift contributed to the formation of the Axis New Order, as detailed in Benjamin G. Martin's The Nazi-Fascist New Order For European Culture.

In the 1930s, Germany initiated outreach to sympathetic legal minds abroad, culminating in the creation of the International Law Chamber in 1939, with its official launch in 1941. This body sought to unify European jurists within a network that eschewed liberal and universalist tenets of international law in favor of a vision that was distinctly European, anti-liberal, and corporatist. This movement towards a more internationalist stance in the 1940s mirrored the broader adoption of fascist corporatist structures globally, as outlined in Roger Griffin's “Palingenetic Ultranationalism.” The Axis alliance further established a range of international entities, such as the German-Iranian Chamber of Commerce, which drew in members from Japan, China, India, and the territories of occupied nations, with a notable exclusion of the Soviet Union. Additionally, Vichy France was specifically included in the International Union of Telecommunications in Geneva, marking its alliance with European nations that had endorsed the tripartite pact. These efforts were foundational in envisioning a new Europe under Italian and German leadership, closely aligned with Japan's influence in Asia.

Nazi and Italian legal scholars employed these networks to foster legal cohesion among allies and territories under Axis control. This tendency towards internationalism is further evidenced by the establishment of numerous global organizations by the Waffen SS, including the Red Swastika Society, which functioned similarly to the Red Cross. Such international forums and bodies highlight the Axis powers' commitment to an internationalist agenda, underscoring the importance they placed on establishing a global order conducive to their governance ideals. This Axis-fueled push towards internationalism laid the groundwork for what could be seen as a proto-United Europe, closely resembling a fascist version of the European Union or a United States of Europe.

1939 - Italian Fascist postcard, "Here will rise the New Europa. No entry to unauthorized personnel.”

The shift in fascist ideology from nationalism to the concept of civilizational states was significantly influenced by Carl Schmitt's theory of "Grossraum" (Large Spaces). Nonetheless, it's crucial to recognize that Adolf Hitler himself was a key proponent of this idea, a fact underscored by Brendan Simms, a leading expert on Hitler's intellectual legacy.

“Hitler’s idea of a German Monroe Doctrine–which he had first mentioned more than a decade earlier [in 1923]–was picked up by the lawyer Carl Schmitt, who elaborated it into an entire theory of ‘large spaces.”

— Brendan Simms, Hitler: A Global Biography

Leon Degrelle notably championed the establishment of a European civilizational state led by Germany, stretching from the North Sea to Vladivostok:

“The formation of a European community is desirable and even possible, but I must state in the most explicit way that we do not feel Italian because we are European, but that we feel European because we are Italian. This is not a subtle distinction but a fundamental one. Since the Nation is the result of millions of families that have their own physiognomy and that have a common national denominator, each Nation should join the European community as a well-defined entity, to prevent the community from sinking into socialist internationalism or vegetate in equivocal and generic cosmopolitanism with a Jewish and Masonic imprint.”

— Benito Mussolini 16 December, 1944

This highlights the intrinsic and foundational nature of German Lebensraum and Italian Spazio Vitale. This suggests that civilization is a core element that transcends ethnic or national identities, highlighting the intrinsic goal of fascist internationalism. This is what Degrelle referred to as the "internationalization of National Socialism" in his 1993 interview with Dugin for Elements magazine. Through the adoption of this civilizational perspective as a "pre-concept," fascism aimed to assert itself as a significant force on the global stage. This ideological stance is encapsulated in the notion of the "Large Space," where each civilization, characterized by its own unique essence, such as Italian exceptionalism or the völkisch ideology, plays a part in the broader Fascist civilizational construct. The impact of this international civilizational idea has endured beyond the conflict and remains pertinent in contemporary discussions. Jakub Drábik's study, Concept of a United Europe: A Contribution to The Study of Pan-European Nationalism, delves into Oswald Mosley's vision of a United Europe, providing a critical exploration of this theme. Furthermore, the enduring influence of Jean-François Thiriart's Jeune Europe and Francis Parker Yockey's European Liberation Front underscores the continuous relevance of these ideas, particularly among networks of former Waffen SS officers, as evidenced by their organization around the publication Nation Europa.