The History of The Croatian Ustaša
by Kajzer
In 1918, the Serbian military took control of Croatia and integrated it by force with the Kingdom of Serbia. The ensuing period saw the implementation of dominant Serbian policies targeted at the Croatian populace, culminating in the assassination of Croatian nationalist leaders in the Yugoslav National Assembly in 1928. This event underlined the absence of a peaceful political recourse, making it evident that revolution was the sole path to Croatian sovereignty. In early October of the same year, Branimir Jelić established the "Domobran" Movement in Zagreb. Ostensibly a legitimate sports association, its true purpose was to prepare the youth for insurgent activities. Initially, members donned blue shirts, but this practice was ceased for secrecy.
The Ustaša – Croatian Revolutionary Organization (UHRO) emerged as a nationalistic response to the Serbian dominance in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Although it started taking shape in 1928 within Yugoslavia, Ante Pavelić officially announced its establishment in 1929 in Italy, alongside other Croatian nationalists. The Ustaša Constitution, made public in 1932, articulated the primary objective of the organization: to free Croatia from external domination and establish an independent state that included all Croatian historical territories.
This constitution did not elaborate on the envisioned structure of the Croatian state or its ideological underpinnings. A more detailed manifesto, the "Ustaša Principles," published in June 1933, filled this gap. It maintained its importance through the establishment of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) and focused predominantly on Croatian national identity and the inherent historical rights to statehood, with the final three points addressing ideological matters. Led by expatriates, the Ustaša Movement quickly developed an underground network of members and supporters within Croatia. Initially, state-enforced restrictions hindered political organizing and the spread of anti-government sentiments. Consequently, Ustaša activities were primarily conducted outside of Yugoslavia. Following the assassination of King Alexander in Marseilles in October 1934, the movement's operations in Italy became subtler. Meanwhile, in Yugoslavia, political liberalization and decreasing repression allowed for the expansion of the Ustaša network domestically. The Ustaša’s actions were part of the broader Croatian nationalist movement, which sometimes makes it hard to distinctly separate them. This is especially apparent in the discourse on social issues, where an anti-liberal consensus emerged among the nationalist right in the late 1930s, shaped by three critical processes.
During the 1930s, there was a merging of interests between the conservative Pravaš Movement and the Croatian Catholic Movement. The political landscape in Croatia was drastically altered following the assassination of Croatian politicians in Belgrade's Assembly in 1928 and the subsequent authoritarian rule established by King Alexander in 1929. These events diminished the appeal of the Yugoslav concept among Croatians. Concurrently, the Croatian Catholic community, which had previously recognized the Yugoslav political structure, began to shift towards supporting an independent Croatian state, especially after the Concordat crisis of 1937 highlighted the Serbian leadership's unwillingness to find common ground with Croatian Catholics.
Additionally, the ideological split caused by the Spanish Civil War further amplified the alignment between political Catholicism and the nationalist Pravaš faction in Croatia, coalescing around their shared opposition to communism and a united Croatian nationalist sentiment. This period also witnessed a mutual ideological adaptation: Catholic groups increasingly voiced their Croatian nationalist sentiments, while the nationalist reactionary Pravaši embraced a Catholic stance against liberalism, along with a stronger anti-communist sentiment. The latter half of the 1930s saw the emergence of a younger political cohort, coming of age under the dictatorship of King Alexander, the Great Depression, and the ideological rifts across Europe. This new generation introduced fresh perspectives on social issues, although state and legal matters still dominated their political agenda.
The shift towards social concerns was driven by the impact of the economic crisis in the early 1930s and the widening gap between the rich and the poor. Additionally, figures like Bonifacije Perović, a clergyman involved with the Croatian Catholic Academic Society Domagoj, highlighted the increasing student interest in social matters. This was attributed to the influence of the Radić brothers' agrarian ideology, the insights from Pope Pius XI's encyclical Quadragesimo Anno, and a response to Marxist efforts to gain traction in academic circles. Rejecting both liberal economic policies and Marxist solutions, the new nationalist thinkers in Croatia sought inspiration from “Third Way” ideologies.
The Ustaša movement significantly influenced the development of social thought within the country. Many of their ideas were influenced by French thought, through Croatian Catholic intellectuals educated in Paris post-World War I, and through their engagement with journals like Esprit and those connected with the Jeune Droite and Ordre Nouveau groups. These sources, which were popular among Croatian Catholic youths in the 1930s, particularly the Crusader Organization, advocated against capitalism and Marxism, critiqued "formal democracy," and favored the creation of a new spiritual ethos. Some Croatian nationalists, particularly within the Domagoj circle, gravitated towards the integral nationalism championed by Charles Maurras, which also critiqued capitalism. Figures like Ivo Bogdan, a leader within the Domagoj and broader Catholic Movement, and later a significant figure in the Ustaša movement in Croatia, and Feliks Niedzielski, a Catholic activist and critic of both capitalism and Marxism, were key proponents of these ideas.
In 1934, Božidar Stari contributed two favorable critiques of the advancements in Italy's Fascist unionism and corporatist system to the periodical "Hrvatska Smotra." He lauded the principles of Fascist corporatism as innovative contributions of contemporary society in the economic domain, describing corporatism as the fruit of Italy's nonviolent revolution. Stari suggested that other nations should adopt this model, with necessary adjustments to suit local circumstances.
“Today, fascism is no longer just a form of government, as it was introduced in Italy, but an original idea of a new nationalistic organization of the state, and even society, is marked by that name, and today it is already a matter of world significance.”
— Ante Pavelić, Fears of Delusions
In the same journal in 1939, Eugen Sladović offered a comprehensive, approving examination of Italy's political system overhaul, which included restructuring the Italian Parliament's House of Representatives into a corporation-representing entity. By early 1941, a writer using the alias Socialis advocated in "Hrvatska Smotra" for Banovina Croatia to emulate Italy's Fascist model of employer-worker relations. Recollections by Bogdan Radica indicate that admiration for Fascism extended beyond Ustaša factions and was prevalent among esteemed Croatian thinkers, including Ante Trumbić and Filip Lukas, as well as within conservative groups.
In November 1933, "Hrvatska Smotra" commended Nazi Germany, shortly after the National Socialists rose to power, for its efforts to mitigate unemployment and spearhead collaborative projects between students and workers, aiming to bridge societal divides and cultivate a harmoniously united nation devoid of class and sectarian strife.
“In March 1934, on the pages of the same Magazine, on the occasion of the First Anniversary of the National Socialist Victory in the elections, Vladimir Mintas, later a diplomat and high ranking official in the NDH, celebrated the social and economic successes of the new German Government, while on July 1, Zubcić praised the work of the Voluntary Labor Service in Germany.”
— Ernest Bauer, Today’s Germany
Bauer's 1937 publication Today's Germany significantly contributed to the positive reception of the Third Reich's social policies among Ustaša circles and wider nationalist factions. Coming from a Zagreb family with German roots, Bauer gravitated towards nationalist ideologies during his adolescence, forging early bonds with individuals who would become prominent Ustaša figures, like Eugen Dido Kvaternik and Mladen Lorković. His academic pursuits took him to France, but it was his travels in Germany in 1935 that left a lasting impression, inspiring him to write a book based on his experiences. Bauer sought to provide a balanced view of National Socialist Germany, challenging the prevalent communist narratives of the time. Published by Matica Hrvatska, the work, according to Bauer, resonated strongly within Croatian society and was well-received in nationalist circles. Notably, the book allocated considerable discussion to National Socialism's stance on labor and social matters, including the German Labor Front, the leadership principle in businesses, initiatives like "Strength Through Joy" and "Winter Aid," and the reduction of unemployment.
“At that time, in the midst of the World War into which Yugoslavia was soon dragged, the Ustasha press in the Homeland increasingly emphasized the compatibility of it’s interests and ideology with those represented by Hitler’s Germany and Mussolini’s Italy, so this was also reflected in the field of Social ideas.”
— Vladimir Mintas, Anniversary of the German Revolution, Vol 2
When Ivan Oršanić commented in "Hrvatska Smotra" on the conflict involving Germany, Italy, Great Britain, and the USA, he viewed it not merely as a clash of national interests or geopolitical ideologies but as a battle against Anglo-American plutocracy. He perceived it as a contest between archaic and emergent social orders, especially regarding their approaches to social issues. Oršanić argued for a decisive and comprehensive alignment with the new order, emphasizing that this was no transient event but the dawn of a historical epoch destined to shape global existence.
Under the guidance of Stjepan Severinc, a carpenter by trade, the Croatian Workers' Movement came into existence on February 12, 1939, in Zagreb, with the aim of rallying the Croatian workforce. The regulations, penned by legal expert Dr. Jurjo Veselić, stipulated that the organization's mission was to disseminate National Socialist ideology and foster amicable relations with Germans. A wave of younger Croatian labor proponents joined the movement, critiquing the dominance of the "People's Front" within the Croatian Workers' Union, a development they attributed to engineer August Košutić's influence in 1938.
The helm of the Croatian Workers' Movement was assumed by a group comprising Dr. Juraj Veselić, Stjepan Severinac, Slavko Govedić, Ivan Crnković, Josip Mustaf, and Pavao Rašić, with headquarters based at 20 Medulićeva Street. The movement quickly expanded, establishing branches in multiple locations including Našice, Zlatar, Zajezda, Golubovac Divuški, and beyond. By the end of that year, the movement boasted approximately 10,000 members, all united in the pursuit of re-establishing an independent Croatian state and advocating for a new order in Europe under German hegemony. This was formally communicated to German Consul General Dr. Alfred Freundt on April 20, 1939, in Zagreb, with the assertion that Dr. Ante Pavelić was the sole legitimate representative of the Croatian people.
University Students cheered for the “Poglavnik” Dr. Ante Pavelić and the Independent Croatian State
In early October 1939, tensions escalated in Zagreb resulting in violent encounters between Marxist groups and nationalist Croatian university students, which led to injuries on both sides, with Marxists sustaining the majority of both minor and serious injuries. The press highlighted the intensity of these clashes with vivid descriptions. On November 17, 1939, Croatian national revolutionary sentiments were fervently expressed at the Croatian University, with students expressing support for "Poglavnik" Dr. Ante Pavelić and the vision of an independent Croatian state. These expressions of nationalist fervor spilled onto the streets and squares of Zagreb.
As 1940 dawned, the movement began organizing combat units with the intention of liberating Croatia. However, the police swiftly caught wind of the movement's plans, leading to frequent raids on the residences of its members and subsequent persecution. Dr. Juraj Veselić and Stjepan Severinac were each detained for 25 days. On May 31, 1940, the governing "Banska Vlast" authority disbanded the Croatian Workers' Movement amid suspicions of its affiliations with Dr. Ante Pavelić and allegations that it was facilitating the emigration of Croatian workers to Germany. The accusation was that these workers would form Croatian legions to return and instigate an uprising within Yugoslavia.
To ensure the continuation of their activities, proponents of the Croatian Labour Movement established the Croatian National Socialist party in Zagreb on June 15, 1940. The party's political program, comprising seven points and crafted by Dr. Juraj Veselić, outlined the ambition to create an independent Croatian state in close alliance with Germany. Key figures in the party included merchant Đuro Medved, carpenter Stjepan Severinac, clerk Viktor Košutić, Ivan Crnković, Josip Keliš, Dragutin Samobor, and Janko Oslaković, who were later joined by Dr. Milivoj Uroić, Dr. Jozo Budak, and other Croatian nationals.
The party quickly gained traction in Croatian towns and rural areas to the extent that the "Banska Vlast" authorities in Zagreb recognized its rapidly growing membership. Within ten months, the party distributed over 100,000 copies of 15 different types of promotional material, which were further disseminated by party affiliates. Consequently, the "Banska Vlast" government initiated a crackdown on the party's leadership. In August 1940, Dr. Veselić was arrested in Split, transported to Zagreb, and subsequently imprisoned following a hunger strike.
A series of raids culminated on October 3, 1940, with the arrests of Severinac, Dr. Veselić, Đuro Medved, Ivan Bela, Janko Oslaković, and the brothers Slavko and Milan Govedić in Zagreb. By October 7, they were all transferred to the Lepoglava penitentiary. After several months, due to health concerns, Severinac, Medved, Bela, and Oslaković were released, while Dr. Veselić and the Govedić brothers were moved to the Krušćica camp near Travnik on March 1, 1941. Additionally, 17 party members from Karlovac were interned at the camp: Zvonko Martinčević, Vilko Završki, Josip Gubenšek, Zvonimir Jakuš, Rudolf Završki, Josip Ilijanić, Ivan Erdeljac, Josip Jakuš, Miško Brajković, Josip Rogar, Zvonimir Kovačić, Nikola Tucibat, Stjepan Mikac, Dragutin Lončarec, Ilija Struna, Petar Hranilović, and Nikola Sertić, all of whom were detained until April 10, 1941. On April 6, 1941, coinciding with the start of the Axis invasion of Yugoslavia, approximately 100 party members were incarcerated in Zagreb, but were soon released due to the unfolding military events. By July 12, 1941, members of the party were incorporated into the Ustaša units.
Initially, from 1929 to 1934, the Ustaša movement in Croatia did not prioritize anti-Semitism and Racist ideology. However, between 1934 and 1938, these themes gradually became more prevalent, eventually becoming central to the movement's ideology by 1938 to 1941. At the core of the Ustaša movement was a commitment to violent revolution. Initially, the movement's propaganda focused on the antagonism towards "Belgrade," but it soon expanded to include a vehement animosity towards Serbs. The group's publications increasingly espoused the notion of eradicating perceived enemies and purging the land of "foreign elements," reflecting the influence of organic nationalism on their ideology. The Ustaša aimed to rid Croatian territory of "parasites" they claimed were exploiting the Croatian people, as stated in a 1932 edition of their publication.
“The knife, revolver, machine gun and time bomb; these are the idols, these are bells that will announce the dawning and the resurrection of the Independent State of Croatia.”
— Ante Pavelić, Journal of The Croatian Revolutionaries
A photo of Ante Pavelić
The Ustasha's principles outlined that only those of Croatian descent could participate in the nation's governance. This stance was particularly aimed at cosmopolitanism, civic values, and capitalism, with Jews being targeted due to their association with commerce and urban life. Before gaining power, National Socialism in Germany had already begun to popularize anti-Semitic sentiments. For instance, swastikas were defacing Jewish communal property in Zagreb as early as October 1932. Collaboration between Croatian nationalists and German National Socialists was significant. Ante Pavelić, a prominent Ustaša leader, had ties with National Socialist officials even before the Third Reich's establishment, engaging in talks with figures like Manfred von Killinger. As National Socialists assumed power, Pavelić's connection to Alfred Rosenberg solidified, and Ustaša operations were supported in Italy and within Germany. Even when diplomatic relations with Yugoslavia were attempted, Pavelić's propaganda continued under National Socialist supervision, moving to Danzig but maintaining its Berlin-based support.
The publications "Mlada Hrvatska" and "Nezavisnost" were among the most fervent in promoting nationalism, National Socialism, anti-Semitism, and racial ideologies. Authors from these papers often praised National Socialist policies and advocated for measures against Jews, drawing inspiration from fascist movements abroad. An early article by Croatian writers in the Volkischer Beobachter on April 18, 1933, advocated for a boycott of Jewish businesses, marking the adoption of Racist ideology by Croatian nationalists.
In 1937, the relationship between the Ustaša and German National Socialists deepened when Pavelić's "Croatian Question" memorandum reached the German Foreign Ministry. Rosenberg maintained extensive contacts with the Ustasha underground and Croatian National Socialists, and the Spanish Civil War's outbreak further radicalized these groups. An agreement between Yugoslavia and Italy in 1937, which aimed to curb support for terrorists, inadvertently bolstered the Ustasha cause. The pact allowed Ustashas like Mile Budak, who had not committed violent acts against Yugoslavia, to return home, leading to a reinvigoration and better organization of the nationalist movement within Croatia.
Ustasâ military song
By 1938, the Croatian Nationalist Movement had emerged as a rival to the HSS party, alongside groups like Šimrak's Hrvatska Straža and organizations such as Matica Hrvatska, led by Filip Lukas. Mile Budak, reflecting on the situation in 1938 during a 1945 interrogation, noted that Croatian university students were increasingly adopting nationalist views. This period saw escalating confrontations between nationalists and leftists, including violent incidents in 1937 and 1939. In 1940, Ante Pavelić issued two messages to the Croatian people, expressing anti-communist, anti-democratic, anti-liberal, and anti-Jewish sentiments, solidifying these views as foundational elements of Ustaša ideology.
“Until now, the Jews have been robbing the Croatian people for centuries, especially the small living. They managed to get their hands on almost all of the national Croatian treasure. In addition, through systematic organized work for many years, they poisoned the Croatian generations through the press and books and de-nationalized them. In the future, in the Independent State of Croatia, they will not be able to do that, because the Croatian nature and education of the youth will be in Croatian hands.”
— Ante Pavelić, November 15 1940
In 1937, Yugoslavia and Italy signed a pact vowing not to harbor or assist activists considered a threat to either nation. Contrary to the intended effect of weakening the Ustaša Movement, the result was the opposite. The pact allowed members of the Ustaša who had not engaged in violent acts against Yugoslavia, including notable figure Mile Budak and about 250 others, to return to the country. This inadvertently provided the opportunity for the Ustaša to better organize and strengthen their presence within Croatia. By 1938, the Croatian Nationalist Movement had emerged as a significant force, countering the HSS party. It was joined by other nationalist groups such as Šimrak’s Hrvatska Straža and institutions like Matica Hrvatska, led by Filip Lukas.
During an interrogation in 1945, Mile Budak reflected on the situation in 1938, noting the widespread nationalist sentiment among Croatian university students and the increasing confrontations with leftist factions, highlighted by violent events in 1937 and 1939. In his communications in 1940, Ante Pavelić, leader of the Ustaša, articulated views that were anti-communist, anti-democratic, anti-liberal, and anti-Jewish, cementing these as core Ustaša ideologies. In March 1941, fearing Axis aggression, Yugoslavia joined the Tripartite Pact, aligning with the Axis powers, a decision that was met with widespread domestic opposition, leading to protests and a coup d'état on March 27, 1941. This internal turmoil paved the way for the Axis invasion on April 6, 1941. The swift conquest of Yugoslavia by Axis forces led to the proclamation of the Independent State of Croatia on April 10, 1941, marking the end of the so-called Judeo-Serbian control.
The newly established Ustaša-led regime, under the leadership of Ante Pavelić, implemented policies aligned with its nationalist and racial ideologies, which included the persecution and murder of Serbs, Jews, Roma, and political dissidents. The Ustaša government established concentration camps, the most notorious being Jasenovac, where tens of thousands were killed in brutal conditions. As World War II progressed, the Ustaša regime faced resistance from various groups, including the Yugoslav communist partisans led by Josip Broz Tito. The communist partisans grew into a formidable force, gaining support from the Allies and contributing to the eventual defeat of Axis forces in the region. By 1945, the Ustaša regime crumbled under the pressure of the advancing Partisan army and the retreat of German forces. The end of the war saw the re-establishment of Yugoslavia as a federal socialist state, with the Ustaša movement being dismantled and its members either fleeing, going into hiding, or facing prosecution for war crimes.
Following the conclusion of the Second World War, Tito's leadership oversaw a campaign of retaliation directed at individuals linked with the fallen Axis collaborators, targeting the Ustaša, Chetniks, and other groups that had cooperated with the enemy. In the tumultuous time succeeding Yugoslavia's liberation, the nation witnessed a series of punitive actions, with the newly established Communist regime intent on rooting out remnants of collaboration and fascist influence. During this volatile era, termed by historians as the "Bleiburg repatriations" combined with the "foibe massacres," large numbers of military personnel and civilians who had connections with the defeated Ustaša leadership, as well as other collaborationist entities, faced extrajudicial executions. Reports suggest that these reprisals claimed the lives of tens of thousands. These actions were part of a concerted effort to neutralize those who might oppose the nascent Yugoslav federation and to bring to justice individuals implicated in wartime crimes.
Captured Ustaša authorities were often put on trial, with numerous convictions for wartime offenses, including the orchestration of genocidal acts against various ethnic groups and the suppression of political dissidents. Additionally, the aftermath of the war saw the establishment of detention facilities designed to house those suspected of wartime collaboration, along with their families. These camps were notorious for their severe conditions, which, in certain instances, led to fatalities. The measures taken by Tito's administration were motivated by a dual objective: to solidify governmental authority across a nation scarred by conflict and to enact vengeance for the transgressions committed against the people of Yugoslavia. These post-war actions of Tito continue to be a subject of horror.