The Origins of Nazi Ideology

by Johan Tsubasa and Zoltanous

Introduction

The notion that National Socialism is devoid of any logical foundation is a widespread but erroneous belief. In truth, National Socialist ideology emerged from a complex intellectual evolution, drawing on the ideas of prominent thinkers and various movements whose influence reached far beyond Germany's borders. Regardless of one's stance on its core tenets, it is clear that the ideology's creators were intellectually robust and significantly shaped European philosophical discourse. Their framework was carefully constructed, deeply anchored in its guiding principles. Notably, Mussolini used the term "National Socialism" before it was embraced by Hitler. For the purposes of this discussion, however, we will concentrate on the form of National Socialism that took shape in Germany.

“It could be an anti-Marxist socialism, for instance; a national socialism. The millions of workers who will return to the furrows of their fields after having lived in the furrows of the trenches will realize the synthesis of the antithesis: class and nation.”

— Benito Mussolini, Trenchocracy

The History of German National Socialism 

When Rudolf Jung became a member of the German Workers' party (DAP), he played a pivotal role in shaping its future by integrating his vision of völkisch nationalism with a form of socialism that emphasized workers' councils. This ideology, which would eventually be recognized as "National Socialism," drew inspiration from the ideas of French "national socialists" like Édouard Berth and Pierre Biétry. It advocated for a völkisch-agrarian revolution, aiming to unite workers and peasants in a shared cause. Under Jung's guidance, the DAP established the Iglau Program, which promoted a nationalism-infused version of socialism as the authentic form, contrasting it with the perceived outdated and detrimental internationalist Marxism. This ideology supported pan-German unity, the socialization of monopolies, the eradication of unearned income, and opposed Slavs, Jews, capitalism, clericalism, and Marxism, laying the groundwork for Hitler's later socialist policies. Jung was also in favor of an assertive foreign policy, characterized by militant nationalism and territorial expansion in Central-Eastern Europe. In addition to Marx and Engels, Jung was influenced by a wide range of thinkers, including Paul de Lagarde, Friedrich List, Houston Stewart Chamberlain, Ludwig Woltmann, Paul Lensch, Eugene Dühring, Georg Ritter von Schönerer, Oswald Spengler, Silvio Gesell, Ferdinand Lassalle, Werner Sombart, Friedrich Naumann, Ludwig Feuerbach, Johann Karl Rodbertus, and Fichte.

By 1918, the party openly rejected the monarchy and advocated for Austria's merger with the German Reich, renaming itself the German National Socialist Workers' party (DNSAP) with Jung as a primary architect of its foundation. The 1919 Vienna Program marked a mature phase of Jung's National Socialist ideology, featuring a moderate political stance while pushing for bold economic reforms. This included advocating for the nationalization of key industries and their democratic governance through guilds, aligning Jung with Guild Socialist principles during this period. Jung's pivotal work, National Socialism: Its Foundations, Its History, and Its Goals, released in 1919, synthesized influences from Social Democracy, Guild Socialism, Syndicalism, Council Communism, Nordicism, and pan-German völkisch thought, laying the intellectual groundwork for National Socialism. His contributions profoundly shaped the movement's literature, influencing works like Gottfried Feder's The German State on a National and Social Basis, Hitler's Mein Kampf, and Alfred Rosenberg's The Myth of The 20th Century. Feder, among others, was influenced by Jung's critique of monetary systems and the distinction between productive and exploitative capital.

The swastika symbol was first adopted as a party emblem on May 5, 1919, by the DNSAP, featuring a design attributed to Dr. Walter Riehl, a member known for his devout Catholic beliefs. This emblem influenced Adolf Hitler, who later modeled the Nazi party's swastika after the DNSAP's version. Rudolf Jung, who had ties to the DNSAP, played a pivotal role in convincing Hitler to adopt the National Socialist moniker from this party.

Early DNSAP party symbol, designed by Dr. Walter Riehl

Jung's early concepts of National Socialism foreshadowed the movement's later emphasis on agrarian values and "blood and soil," a theme passionately adopted by Richard Walther Darré. Darré, inspired by Jung, idealized a historical harmony in German peasant life, disrupted by capitalism, Marxism, internationalism, and Judaism. Jung's role in the German Workers' party's evolution was crucial, persuading Hitler to adopt "National Socialist" as the party's label and the swastika as its emblem, as documented by Samuel W. Mitcham in Why Hitler? The Genesis of the Nazi Reich. Hitler also drew on the ideology of George von Schonerer, founder of the Pan-German Party, whose anti-capitalist and anti-Jewish stance, coupled with racialist ideas, mirrored a kind of pseudo-Marxism in his passionate speeches.

“…If it ever should be necessary to resort to violence against the capitalists for the good of the workers, I will be the first to do so.”

— George von Schonerer, The Socialism of Fools: Georg von Schoneree and Austrian Pan-Germanism by Andrew Gladding Whiteside

The Pan-German party advocated for integrating "workers and peasants" into the national community, aiming to diminish the influence of the Austro-Hungarian aristocracy, Jews, and the clergy. This movement called for breaking down the liberal-capitalist framework and proposed state oversight across various economic sectors. Schonerer, a prominent leader within the party, portrayed the push for railway nationalization as a battle between "the people" and "exploitative capitalism," often symbolized by the "House of Rothschild" as the quintessential adversary. By the early 20th century, Schonerer had shifted toward more extreme positions, endorsing a totalitarian regime characterized by anti-Slavism and anti-Semitism. In Vienna, Hitler encountered Karl Lueger, the mayor and a member of the Christian Social party, who championed a Corporatist approach that dismissed class struggle, resonating with Hitler's evolving views. Lueger's influence and policies further solidified the foundational elements of Hitler's ideology.

In fact:

“Hitler respected Lueger’s ability to weld together the bourgeoisie and proletariat and his treatment of social problems.”

— Andrew Gladding Whiteside, The Socialism of Fools: Georg von Schoneree and Austrian Pan-Germanism

In Mein Kampf, Hitler expressed admiration for Lueger's version of Corporatism, suggesting the establishment of a "Central Economic Parliament," an "Economic Chamber," and "Representative Chambers of Trades and Professions" in the event of a Nazi victory. These institutions were intended to represent various economic sectors and professions, aiming to eliminate class conflict. Drawing from his time in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Hitler developed a critical view of capitalism, influenced by witnessing the detrimental effects of capitalist greed and immoral practices. August Kubizek, a friend from Hitler's Vienna days, recalled Hitler's vehement criticism of "real estate speculators and exploiting landlords."

Hitler's early political career reveals a complex and often debated chapter tied to the Bavarian Soviet Republic of 1919, a short-lived socialist state in Munich following World War I. Historical evidence suggests he initially served as a liaison to the Soviet's Department of Propaganda and a deputy battalion representative, indicating early engagement with revolutionary socialism. This involvement contrasts with the paths of other fascist leaders like Benito Mussolini, who rose from Italy's pro-war Socialist party faction, and Oswald Mosley, linked to Britain's pro-war Labour party. Hitler's unique beginning, diverging from the typical anti-Zimmerwald Conference roots of social democracy, showcased his early oratory skills during this turbulent period.

A pivotal moment was the funeral of Kurt Eisner, a Jewish socialist leader and minister-president of Bavaria, assassinated on February 21, 1919. Held on February 26, the event drew around 100,000 attendees, and photographs and film footage by Heinrich Hoffmann suggest Hitler marched in the procession, wearing black and red armbands as a sign of mourning and solidarity. However, historians debate the authenticity of this evidence due to its grainy quality and potential for misidentification, with some labeling it a myth. Despite the controversy, the historical record hints at his presence, marking a phase before a significant ideological shift.

The turning point came after Eisner's death, when the Bavarian Soviet Republic's leadership shifted to a radical, Moscow-aligned faction led by Jews like Ernst Toller and Eugen Leviné following a coup on April 6, 1919. Around this time, Hitler appears to have transitioned into a spy against the communists, this was mainly due to him not wanting a German government controlled by foreign entities. His success as a spy reportedly led to him being assigned to spy on by the DAP, marking a departure from his earlier revolutionary sympathies. This shift, amid the republic's chaotic end by May 3, 1919, under Weimar suppression, likely influenced his growing anti-Semitism and anti-communism, shaped by the violence and perceived instability of the Jewish-led communist regime. But, it can never be denied that he never left his sympathies for socialism.

“National Socialism derives from each of the two camps the pure idea that characterizes it, national resolution from bourgeois tradition; vital, creative socialism from the teaching of Marxism.”

— Adolf Hitler quoted in Hitler's Social Revolution: Class and Status in Nazi Germany, 1933–1939 by David Schoenbaum

A renowned economist and sociologist, Werner Sombart initially aligned with Marxist thought as part of the historical school of economics. Over time, Sombart grew disenchanted with Marxism and reshaped it to align with nationalist sentiments. His intellectual contributions significantly influenced the German revolutionary conservative movement, and he is credited with introducing the concept of "late-stage capitalism" in his magnum opus, Modern Capitalism. Although Sombart never officially became a member of the Nazi party, he endorsed Nazism until his death. His work offered a critical evaluation that laid the groundwork for National Socialism's anti-capitalism and its association of Jews with capitalism. For Sombart, the ideal state was represented by the German concept as articulated by thinkers such as Fichte, Lassalle, Hegel, and Rodbertus, where the state acts as a collective entity prioritizing the national good over individual interests. In this view, individuals have obligations to fulfill rather than rights to assert. Sombart critiqued the principles of Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity, viewing them as capitalist inventions that elevate personal gain above the needs of the nation. These concepts were later woven into Hitler's ideology, reflecting a shared disdain for individualism in favor of national unity.

Before Germany's unification, Prussian nationalism, which Bismarck significantly shaped, already incorporated elements of social democracy into its political framework. Bismarck's resistance to radical socialists was driven by their economic views and their "un-German" internationalist perspectives. This blend of nationalism and selective socialism under Bismarck can be seen as an early model for Hitler's National Socialism, which sought to unify the nation under similar principles and implement policies aimed at the national collective's welfare. Hitler viewed himself as Bismarck's heir, advocating for a planned economy to counter movements that, despite claiming national allegiance, harbored foreign loyalties.

The roots of National Socialism are deeply embedded in the Prussian tradition of figures like Frederick William I, Frederick The Great, and Otto von Bismarck, emphasizing discipline and the martial spirit of the Prussian military as societal ideals. The Nazis combined this legacy with political romanticism, which eschewed rationalism and the principles of the French Revolution in favor of instinct and a reverence for history, alongside the belief in the supremacy of extraordinary leaders, as advocated by Friedrich Nietzsche.

In The Rise and Fall of The Third Reich, it is pointed out that:

“For centuries Prussia had lain outside the mainstream of German historical development and culture. It seemed almost as if it were a freak of history.... By 1701 Prussia had pulled itself up by its own bootstraps to be one of the ranking military powers of Europe. It had none of the resources of the others.... Even the nobility was poor, and the landless peasants lived like cattle. Yet by a supreme act of will and a genius for organization the Hohenzollerns managed to create a Spartan military state whose well-drilled Army won one victory after another and whose Machiavellian diplomacy of temporary alliances with whatever power seemed the strongest brought constant additions to its territory. There thus arose quite artificially a state born of no popular force nor even of an idea except that of conquest, and held together by the absolute power of the ruler, by a narrow-minded bureaucracy which did his bidding and by a ruthlessly disciplined army.”

‘Prussia,’ remarked Mirabeau, ‘is not a state with an army, but an army with a state.’ And the state, which was run with the efficiency and soullessness of a factory, became all; the people were little more than cogs in the machinery. Individuals were taught not only by the kings and the drill sergeants but by the philosophers that their role in life was one of obedience, work, sacrifice and duty. Even Kant preached that duty demands the suppression of human feeling, and the Prussian poet Willibald Alexis gloried in the enslavement of the people under the Hohenzollerns to Lessing, who did not like it, ‘Prussia was the most slavish country of Europe.’”

 — William L. Shirer, The Rise and Fall of The Third Reich

Bismarck's innovations in medical and social insurance practices, which aimed to stave off Marxism by introducing healthcare systems in the 1880s, also provided a foundation for the later National Socialist government-medical complex. Sombart supported this blend of German Socialism and Hitler's ascendancy, viewing it as a continuation of a uniquely German tradition. Integrating insights from Élie Halévy, it's clear that figures like Lassalle played a critical role in shaping this tradition. Lassalle was a pioneer in organizing Social Democratic socialism in Germany, prioritizing the universal manhood suffrage at a time when emerging bourgeois parties, seen as more detrimental to the working class than the aristocracy, favored limited suffrage. His advocacy for broader suffrage found an unlikely ally in Bismarck, leading to the establishment of the Confederation of Northern Germany with universal suffrage in 1866, influenced directly by Lassalle's advice. Bismarck's later engagement with State Socialism, after 1878 reflects the enduring impact of Lassalle's teachings, illustrating the complex interplay between socialism and nationalism that would characterize German political evolution into the era of National Socialism.

"If an establishment employing twenty thousand or more workpeople were to be ruined... we could not allow these men to hunger. We should have to resort to real State Socialism and find work for them, and this is what we do in every case of distress. If the objection were right that we should shun State Socialism as we would an infectious disease, how do we come to organise works in one province and another in case of distress—works which we should not undertake if the labourers had employment and wages? In such cases we build railways whose profitableness is questionable; we carry out improvements which otherwise would be left to private initiative. If that is Communism, I have no objection at all to it; though with such catchwords we really get no further."

— Otto von Bismarck quotes in Bismarck and State Socialism by William Harbutt Dawson

"The great disagreement between Socialism and State Socialism is that the former would entirely subvert the State, while the latter accepts its political form as it is. Socialism would abolish the existing order altogether, while State Socialism would use the State for the accomplishment of great economic and social purposes, especially restoring to it the function, which Frederick the Great held to be the principal business of the State, of holding the balance between classes and parties."

— William Harbutt Dawson, Bismarck and State Socialism

The territories conquered by the King (Frederick The Great) were shaped into a nation by the Prince (Otto von Bismarck), safeguarded by the Field Marshal (Paul von Hindenburg), and rescued by the Soldier (Adolf Hitler)

Oswald Spengler, a prominent figure in the intellectual foundation of National Socialism, argued that German Socialism was distinct from Marxism, aligning more closely with the nation's conservative traditions. Despite voting for Hitler over Hindenburg in the 1932 election, Spengler's relationship with the Nazi movement was intricate and sometimes tense, although his ideas were greatly esteemed by them. His criticisms of liberal democracy and his concept of Prussian Socialism found a significant echo within Nazi ideology and were woven into its core beliefs. At the same time as Anton Drexler was forming the precursor to the NSDAP in 1919, Spengler published his, Prussianism and Socialism. This publication came as Spengler's academic influence was growing, and it boldly challenged the academic status quo. In this work, Spengler advocated for a socialism that rejected Marxism, republicanism, capitalism, promoting instead ideas of nationalism, militarism, and aristocratic values. He issued a direct challenge to the working class, positing Prussian Socialism as their only real choice, and cautioned conservatives that embracing socialist ideals was essential for their survival.

Oswald Spengler explains this view:

“In order to overcome man’s inborn lethargy, the Prussian socialist ethic maintains that the chief aim of life is not happiness. ‘Do your duty,’ it says, by doing your English capitalist ethic it says, ‘Get rich, and then you won’t have to work any more.’ There is doubtless something provocative about this latter motto. It is tempting, it appeals  to very basic human instincts. The working masses of ambitious nations have understood it well. As late as the nineteenth century it produced the Yankee type with his irresistible practical optimism. The other motto is forbidding. It is for the few who wish to inject it into the community and thus force it upon the masses. The first maxim is for a stateless country, for egoists and Viking types with the urge for constant personal combat, such as we find in English sportsmanship. It implies extreme independence of mind, the right to gain happiness at the expense of all others, as long as one’s strength holds out—in other sewords, scientific Darwinism. The other, however, is an expression of the socialist idea in all its profundity: the will to power, the struggle for happiness, but for the happiness of the totality, not of the individual. In this sense Frederick William I, and not Marx, was the first conscious socialist.”

— Oswald Spengler, Prussianism and Socialism

Spengler's concept of German Socialism significantly diverges from the other socialist ideologies adopted by the majority of left-wing movements:

"Socialism means power, power, and more power. Thoughts and schemes are nothing without power. The path to power has already been mapped: the valuable elements of German labor in union with the best representatives of the Old Prussian state idea both groups determined to build a strictly socialist state to democratize our nation in the Prussian manner both forged into a unit by the same sense of duty, by the awareness of a great obligation by the will to obey in order to rule, to die in order to win by the strength to make immense sacrifices in order to accomplish what we were born for what we are what could not be without us."

— Oswald Spengler, Prussianism and Socialism

The idea of a centralized bureaucratic-military state acting as a unified labor syndicate aligns with Hitler's views. Additionally, Spengler's idea of German Socialism highlights a common thread in both German National Socialism and Italian Fascism: an opposition to capitalism, Marxism, and materialistic philosophy. Furthermore, The Doctrine of Fascism includes a section titled "Rejection of Economic Liberalism - Admiration of Bismarck," which illustrates the admiration for the German Socialist framework as an inspiration for Italian Fascism. The respect Fascism holds for Bismarck's efforts in unifying Germany and fostering national unity stems from his challenges to both philosophical and economic liberalism.

“Prussian Socialism is opposed to both Capitalism and Marxism, both of which are seen to be vulgarly materialistic and promote no higher values than wealth and production. This Prussian ‘Socialism’ was to be an organizational principle based on uniting the economic classes in service to the whole, rather than the furthering of some conflict between the rich and the poor.”

— Oswald Spengler, Prussianism and Socialism

The German Socialist party (DSP) emerged as one of the pioneering national socialist groups, founded by Alfred Brunner, an engineer from Düsseldorf. Driven by the aftermath of Germany's defeat and the resulting revolution, Brunner established his own ethnic-nationalist socialist party, drafting a manifesto on December 1, 1918, that laid out a national socialist vision. This manifesto drew inspiration from the agrarian reform ideas of Adolf Damaschke and Nazi philosophy. Brunner emphasized the need for widespread land nationalization as a drastic socio-economic strategy to undermine capitalist power and address what he saw as Jewish influences on societal issues. Claiming to be more radical than the Bolsheviks, Brunner advocated for a visionary, biologically based "socialism of action," in contrast to what he termed the Jewish, materialist "sham socialism" of Marxist ideology. Anton Drexler, who led the NSDAP before Hitler, was connected to the Free Workers' Committee for a Good Peace, a German Guild Socialist group linked with various ethnic-nationalist groups. Inspired by Rudolf Jung and conversations within his group and the Thule Society, Drexler started the Political Workers' Circle, which evolved into the German Workers’ party and later the National Socialist German Workers' party.

Italian Fascism and German Nazism both deeply connect with and share similarities to the ideas of socialist-oriented intellectuals. These two ideologies are rooted in earlier concepts advocating for the use of myth to mobilize and unite a nation, and the call for a revolutionary social doctrine that would lead to a new order and aristocracy. From these perspectives, both movements are fundamentally anti-capitalist, anti-bourgeois, and nationalist. It's important to recognize that Adolf Hitler was neither the original creator of his version of socialism nor the sole figure behind National Socialism. Instead, he incorporated pre-existing ideas and, inspired by the Italian March on Rome in 1922, sought to develop a German form of fascism.

"Hitler remarked coyly, 'one calls us German fascists,' adding that he did not want to go into 'whether his comparison is true'. He was soon more forthright, demanding 'the establishment of a national government in Germany on the fascist model'. A year later, he told an interviewer from the Daily Mail that 'if a German Mussolini is given to Germany, people would fall down on their knees and worship him more than Mussolini has ever been worshipped.'"

— Brendan Simms, Hitler: A Global Biography

“I have arrived here certainly thanks to Fascism. If it is true that the two movements are different, it is also true that Mussolini has achieved the Weltanschauung which unites the two movements: without that achievement perhaps I would not have arrived in this place.”

— Adolf Hitler to Giuseppe Renzetti, 1930

Adolf Hitler's version of socialism was distinct from the Marxist form, drawing instead on the earlier principles of Johann Fichte's Ethical Socialism. Fichte emphasized the importance of community responsibility, national unity, and the pursuit of the common good. These principles shaped Hitler's view of socialism, aligning with his aim to create a cohesive German community united by shared values and objectives.

"I am a German nationalist. This means that I proclaim my nationality. My whole thought and action belongs to it. I am a socialist. I see no class and no social estate before me, but that community of the Folk, made up of people who are linked by blood, united by a language, and subject to a same general fate."

— Adolf Hitler, Hitler’s Second Book

Fichte was a German Idealist philosopher, who underwent a profound transformation in his philosophical outlook, transitioning from an initial stance of liberal political thought to a form of Ethical Socialism. In the wake of the French Revolution, Fichte, alongside his contemporaries, revisited his ideas about individuality, the state's function, property rights, and freedom. It was during this period of introspection that Fichte crafted a distinctive form of socialism. Unlike the Marxist model, Fichte's socialism did not focus on forcibly equalizing societal conditions or merely redistributing wealth. Rather, it sought to realize the higher purpose of individuals within a unified State, emphasizing the collective welfare and fostering a sense of national unity. Contrary to the notion that Adolf Hitler's socialist beliefs were uninfluenced by Fichte, evidence strongly suggests otherwise. A thorough examination of Hitler's literary preferences and his explicit recognitions of Fichte's influence corroborate the idea that he was indeed a proponent of Fichte's Ethical Socialism. Thus, it is evident that Hitler's ideological foundation was significantly shaped by the principles articulated in Fichte's philosophical work.

“Though unmentioned, Johann Gottlieb Fichte was in fact the philosopher closest to Hitler and his National Socialist movement in tone, spirit, and dynamic. Unlike Schopenhauer, a brooding, bookish man, or the frail, bedridden Nietzsche, Fichte was brash and defiant. In 1808, with French troops garrisoned in Berlin, Fichte defiantly called for Germans to rise against foreign oppression in his landmark Speeches to the German Nation. On the eve of the decisive battle against Napoleon at Leipzig, Fichte appeared before his students, armed for battle. He was said to be a mesmerizing speaker who held his audiences 'prisoner' with his words. 'To action! To action! To action!' he once declared. 'That is why we are here.' Like Fichte, Hitler called for the 'overthrow of the political elite' through a populist uprising. Fichte spoke of a Volkskrieg, a people's war. Like Fichte, Hitler wanted to see the sundered German nation united. When Hitler denounced the political dialogue of parliamentary democracy and called for direct dialogue with the German people, he assumed a distinctly Fichtean rhetorical stance and called for speeches to the German nation...

Of all the philosophical stars in the constellation of Nazi ideology, few blazed as intensely during the Third Reich or faded as quickly afterward as this late-eighteenth-century advocate of belligerent German nationalism. Schopenhauer and Nietzsche may have lent themselves conveniently to Nazi-era sound bites, but it was Fichte who provided the philosophical foundations for the toxic blend of Teutonic singularity and vicious nationalism. No one less than Dietrich Eckart identified Fichte, Schopenhauer, and Nietzsche as the philosophical triumvirate of National Socialism. Arnold Fanck acknowledged this fact when he recommended Fichte's works as Riefenstahl's peace offering to Hitler.”

— Timothy W. Ryback, Hitler's Private Library

Fichte held the view that the State's responsibility isn't to provide every material need to its citizens directly, but rather to furnish them with the means and opportunities to acquire these needs independently. He supported a system grounded in merit, designed to enhance individual well-being by ensuring equal employment opportunities, thus enabling citizens to fulfill their duties to the community. Fichte's perspective underscores the importance of individual effort and achievement, as well as the State's duty to establish a fair and supportive environment that empowers all individuals to engage and prosper.

“Hitler saw nationalism as a patriotic motive to place the good of one's country before personal ambition. Socialism was a political, social and economic system that he demanded the same subordination of self-interest for the benefit of the community. As Hitler said in 1927, ‘Socialism and nationalism are the great fighters for one's own kind, are the hardest fighters in the struggle for survival on this earth. Therefore they are no longer battle cries against one another.’ Die SA summarized, ‘Marxism makes the distinction of have and have-nots. It demands the destruction of the former in order to bring all property into possession of the public. National Socialism places the concept of the national community in the foreground... The collective welfare of a people is not achieved through superficially equal distribution of all possessions, but by accepting the principle that before the interests of the individual stand those of the nation.’”

— Richard Tedor, Hitler's Revolution

Hitler was opposed to the notion of separating the State from the Nation. Rather, he was concerned about what he perceived as a specific disconnect between the State and Nation within Germany. He believed that National Socialism should aim to integrate the two harmoniously. This concept is explicitly expressed in his Second Book, where he emphasizes the necessity of unifying the State and Nation under the principles of National Socialism.

“That present State leaders pay little attention to this viewpoint is partly due to the nature of democracy, to which they owe their very existence, but secondly to the fact that the State has become a purely formal mechanism which appears to them as an aim in itself, which must not in the least coincide with the interests of a specific Folk. Folk and State have become two different concepts. It will be the task of the National Socialist Movement to bring about a fundamental change here.”

— Adolf Hitler, Hitler’s Second Book

Grasping the concept that Germany was historically a Nation without a State is crucial. Hitler perceived the German people as possessing an identity that transcended the boundaries of any established State. However, he believed this condition needed to change. He argued that it was imperative for the German people to establish a State that would solidify their collective identity and afford them a distinct political standing. According to him, this shift would significantly transform the narrative of Germany from a Nation without a State into one with a defined State identity.

“A definitive characteristic of National Socialism was its rejection of foreign beliefs, customs and ideas within the German community. It holds that a nation consists of its blood and soil: an ethnically homogeneous people and the land they cultivate, the domain that provides shelter, refuge and nourishment from the soil where their ancestors lie buried. Through self-development will a people realize their potential; through awareness of their intrinsic identity will generations fulfill the role nature and providence intended. The NSDAP held that every nation exhibits a collective personality. The influence of foreign peoples whose life experience, environment and ancestry formed them differently will debauche the nation and is hence immoral. Leers saw the introduction of liberalism and Marxism to Germany during the 19th Century as ‘threatening to destroy our own values...’ The history of the German people is a centuries-long struggle against spiritual foreign penetration into the realms of politics, law, tradition and our way of life, a struggle against the destruction of our race and perversion of our souls.”

— Richard Tedor, Hitler's Revolution

Delving deeper into Hitler's version of socialism, we encounter a distinctive emphasis on the corporatist aspect of Fichtean Socialism. This idea aspires to enhance the nation's welfare through a State that harmonizes all sectors of society by tightly weaving corporative bodies into the fabric of national governance. Unlike advocating for outright economic nationalization, this form of socialism opts for rigorous regulatory oversight, where the State intervenes strategically to ensure the collective well-being and security of its citizens. In this corporatist framework, the National Socialist State doesn't just assume the role of guardian over the interests of the working class but also acts as a mediator and integrator, forging a symbiotic relationship between the state, labor, and corporate entities. Implementing this vision, Hitler deployed organizations like the German Labor Front (DAF), which symbolized the corporatist ethos by melding workers' interests with the broader objectives of the State, thereby reinforcing the corporatist nature of his socialist agenda.

“The Reich's Ministry of Labor published a table of offenses under the category of unjust exploitation of employees. These included paying salaries below fixed wage scales or failure to compensate workers for overtime, refusing to grant employees vacations, cutting back hours, providing insufficient meals, inadequate heating of work stations, and maintaining an unhygienic or hazardous work environment. Supervisors were even disciplined for browbeating their staff to work harder...

The record of court proceedings for 1939 demonstrates that the labor law primarily safeguarded the well-being of employees rather than their overseers. During that year, the courts conducted 14 hearings against workers and 153 against plant managers, assistant managers and supervisors. In seven cases, the directors lost their jobs. For more serious violations, the labor ministry enlisted Germany's Secret State Police, the Gestapo. This generally resulted in the arrest and confinement of ‘asocial’ managers and usually involved cases where consciously allowing hazardous or unsanitary working conditions impaired an employee's health.”

— Richard Tedor, Hitler's Revolution

The economic philosophy of National Socialism was greatly shaped by Gottfried Feder, whose lecture in 1919 captured Hitler's attention and led to his involvement with the NSDAP. Feder's economic views were influenced by Othmar Spann's Universalism, which emphasizes the interconnectedness of societal elements over individualistic considerations. This corporatist perspective sees society as a living organism comprising various professional groups that contribute to the nation's functionality. The state, through proficient leadership, manages the economy by orchestrating these groups' activities. The concept of the corporate cell is central to understanding the application of Universalism in fascist Corporatism, notably within the DAF. These cells, spread throughout the country, fulfill vital functions for State governance and economic stability. Spann critiqued capitalism and Marxism for their individualistic approaches, presenting German Socialism as a collective-oriented alternative that embodies Universalism. Feder, influenced by Spann, envisioned Germanic Socialism as a realization of Universalism in society.

The economic views of Friedrich List, particularly his proposal for a labor-based currency, also influenced Feder's thinking. This concept, pivotal to Nazi policy, aimed to dismantle private banking and reform the monetary system. Feder's Manifesto For Breaking The Financial Slavery, was his call for liberation from "international financial bondage.” He criticized usury as a means of economic control through debt, attributed to international Jewish finance capital, and called for the nationalization of banks. The combined views of Spann and List played a crucial role in the forming of the Nazi economic strategy via Feder, significantly influencing Hitler's economic policies. These intellectual contributions were fundamental in shaping the economic narrative of the National Socialist movement.

"For Hitler, Feder's separation between stock exchange capital and the national economy offered the possibility of going into battle against the internationalization of the German economy without threatening the founding of an independent national economy by a fight against capital. Best of all, from Hitler's point of view, was the fact that he could identify international capitalism as wholly Jewish-controlled. Hitler became a member of the German Workers' Party and Feder became his friend and guide."

— Louis L. Snyder, Encyclopedia of The Third Reich

Conclusions

The intellectual and historical foundations of National Socialism reveal a lot of ideological threads, shaped by a range of thinkers and socio-political currents that converged in early 20th-century Germany. Far from being a simplistic or illogical ideology, National Socialism emerged as a deliberate synthesis of nationalist myth, socialist aspirations, and a rejection of both liberal capitalism and Marxist internationalism. At its core, the movement sought to reconcile the tensions between individual and collective, nation and State, through a vision of a unified Volk grounded in Blood and Soil.

Key figures like Johann Gottlieb Fichte, Otto von Bismarck, Gottfried Feder, and Oswald Spengler provided critical building blocks for this ideology. Fichte’s Ethical Socialism, with its emphasis on communal duty and national unity, offered a philosophical framework that prioritized the collective over individualistic pursuits, profoundly influencing Hitler’s vision. Bismarck’s legacy of Prussian discipline, state-driven social reforms, and German unification served as a political model, demonstrating how nationalism and socialist policies could forge a powerful national identity. Feder’s economic critiques, rooted in anti-capitalist and anti-usury sentiments, provided a practical blueprint for dismantling perceived financial and Jewish exploitation, aligning with the movement’s aim to protect the national folk-community from external slavery. Spengler’s Prussian Socialism further reinforced the rejection of materialism, advocating for a militaristic and hierarchical social order that resonated with National Socialist.

While Rudolf Jung, Alfred Brunner, and Anton Drexler played significant roles in laying the groundwork for the movement, it was Adolf Hitler who emerged as the central figure in distilling these ideas into a potent ideological force. Drawing inspiration from Italian Fascism and adapting it to the German context, Hitler fused Fichte’s philosophical idealism, Bismarck’s statecraft, Feder’s economic radicalism, and Spengler’s cultural critique into a doctrine that promised national rebirth. This synthesis, rooted in a romanticized view of Germany’s past, propelled National Socialism from a marginal movement to a transformative force in history. The interplay of these intellectual currents underscores the movement’s complexity, revealing it as a product of both its time and the enduring tensions between nation, state, and society.