The Story of Subhas Chandra Bose

by Nahobino and Zoltanous

Introduction

History is shaped not by meek negotiations but by the iron will of men who defy fate. Among them stood Subhas Chandra Bose, a warrior-revolutionary who rejected the slow poison of compromise and chose fire and blood to forge India’s destiny. Imprisoned, hunted, and betrayed, Bose shattered his chains in 1941, vanishing into the shadows only to reemerge on the world stage as the leader of the Indian National Army (INA). Disguised as a Pathan, he crossed the treacherous passes of Afghanistan, navigated the intrigue of Soviet corridors, and arrived in Hitler’s Berlin, seeking allies to strike at the British Empire’s heart.

With the rallying cry of "Give me blood, and I will give you freedom," he inspired thousands to abandon servitude and march under the INA’s banner. Though the battles in Manipur did not yield military victory, the fire he lit could not be extinguished. The trials of his captured soldiers shook the Raj to its foundations, turning public sentiment into a storm that the British could no longer withstand. To understand India's struggle for independence is to recognize not only Gandhi’s pacifism but Bose’s relentless defiance — his audacity to grasp history’s throat and demand liberation.

Early Life and Education: Shaping a Revolutionary

Subhas Chandra Bose was born to a prominent Bengali family on January 23, 1897, in Cuttack, Orissa. His father, Janakinath Bose, was a successful lawyer, and his mother, Prabhavati Devi, was instrumental in providing a strong moral foundation, shaping Bose’s character with Hindu values. Bose’s early education began at Ravenshaw Collegiate School, where he excelled, later moving to Kolkata for further studies. In January 1902, at age five, he entered the Protestant European School in Cuttack, following his five older brothers. This British-run institution, intended for Europeans and Anglo-Indians, focused on a curriculum of English, Latin, the Bible, good manners, British geography, and history, taught exclusively in English, with no Indian languages included.

This choice, made by Janakinath, aimed to integrate his sons into the upper echelons of Raj Society, as noted in Remembering Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose. The school’s environment contrasted with Bose’s home, where only Bengali was spoken, and his mother shared stories from the epics Mahabharata and Ramayana, worshipped Hindu goddesses Durga and Kali, and sang Bengali religious songs, instilling in Bose a nurturing spirit and a preference for gardening over sports. At the same time, his father’s reserved and busy professional life made him a distant figure in the large family.

The growth of British Bengal between 1757 and 1803 is shown in shades of brown

This duality is an unexpected detail, highlighting how Bose navigated colonial education and traditional Bengali cultural influences, shaping his later revolutionary zeal and dual identity, which likely influenced his nationalist stance.

Political Career: From Disillusionment to Militancy

Bose’s nationalist fervor emerged early, leading to his expulsion from Presidency College in Kolkata in 1916 for participating in student protests against British rule, as documented in Subhas Chandra Bose | Making Britain. Undeterred, he pursued higher studies at the University of Cambridge, passing the Indian Civil Service (ICS) examination in 1920 with distinction. However, in April 1921, Bose resigned from the ICS, famously declaring he could not serve under a foreign regime. This marked his full commitment to India’s freedom struggle, detailed in Subhash Chandra Bose - Role in Indian Freedom Struggle. His foremost passion was liberating India from the British Raj, coming of political age during Gandhi’s ascendancy. Unlike Gandhi’s non-violent resistance, Bose believed all means to independence were permissible, advocating that Gandhi’s method should be tried first, but if unsuccessful, Indians should arm themselves and fight, a stance shaped by the Bengal revolutionary movement and the extremist wing of the nationalist movement, particularly Aurobindo Ghose.

By the late 1920s, Bose had become disillusioned with Mahatma Gandhi. In 1927, when he developed his political thinking, Bose, along with Jawaharlal Nehru, declared that the goal of the Indian National Congress must be “complete independence” and not the “dominion status” that elders like Gandhi and Motilal Nehru advocated, stating:

"The Congress should aim at nothing short of complete independence, not dominion status within the Empire."

— Subhas Chandra Bose and Jawaharlal Nehru, The Indian Annual Register, 1927

This goal was formalized at the Lahore session of the Congress in 1929 under Nehru’s presidency, a turning point emphasizing a break from gradualist approaches, binding Bose and Nehru to socialism and secularism, setting them apart as leaders of a younger generation whose ideas often clashed with Gandhi’s. Despite these differences, Bose praised Gandhi’s Dandi Salt March, noting:

"The Dandi March is one of the most brilliant achievements of his leadership and has shown the height to which his statesmanship can ascend in times of crisis."

— Subhas Chandra Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-1934

Gandhi and Bose having a conversation

He also lauded Nehru but expressed regret over his reluctance to lead the Congress Socialist party, critiquing:

"With a popularity only second to the Mahatma, with unbound prestige amongst his countrymen, with a clear brain possessing the finest ideas, with an updated knowledge of modern world movements, that he should be found wanting in the essential quality of leadership."

— Subhas Chandra Bose, Selected Speeches of Subhas Chandra Bose

Bose sitting next to Savarkar

Bose vehemently opposed Hindutva and the Hindu Mahasabha, articulated by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar as an exclusionary vision of Hindu hegemony emphasizing communal divide. Savarkar’s two-nation theory and strategic view of Jews as tools against Muslims clashed with Bose’s secular unity and his critique of Jews as parasitic, as noted in sources like Remembering Subhas Chandra Bose’s Strong Views Against Hindutva Politics. When Syama Prasad Mukherjee joined the Mahasabha, he recorded in his diary Bose’s threat:

"If you try to establish the Hindu Mahasabha as a political body in Bengal, I will see to it, by force if need be, that it is broken before it is really born."

— Syama Prasad Mukherjee, Leaves From a Diary

Balraj Madhok, another Mahasabha leader, noted Bose’s intimidation tactics, claiming his supporters disrupted meetings and assaulted candidates, as detailed in Netaji wasn’t friend of Hindutva, adversary. In a May 12, 1940, speech in Jhargram, West Bengal, published in Anandabazar Patrika on May 14, Bose declared:

"The Hindu Mahasabha has sent monks and nuns with tridents in their hands begging for votes. Hindus bow in reverence at the very sight of trident and saffron robes. The Hindu Mahasabha has entered politics by taking advantage of religion and has desecrated it. Every Hindu needs to condemn them."

— Subhas Chandra Bose, Anandabazar Patrika, May 14, 1940

Bose accused Savarkar of sabotaging Congress-Mahasabha alliances for Kolkata’s 1940 municipal elections and urged a boycott of newspapers like Amritbazar Patrika, Yugantar, Bharat, and Matribhumi for spreading lies, arguing:

"None of them [Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League] are our enemies; all countrymen are our allies. Foreign imperialism is the only enemy."

— Subhas Chandra Bose, Forward Bloc Weekly, May 18, 1940

He questioned the Mahasabha’s impact:

"The Hindu Mahasabha’s efforts have divided the Congress into two groups. Has it strengthened Hindu society or weakened it?"

— Subhas Chandra Bose, Forward Bloc Weekly, May 18, 1940

This tension escalated after Savarkar’s December 1939 Kolkata visit, critiqued in the December 30, 1939, Forward Bloc Weekly:

"Savarkar’s speech involved tub-thumping and ill-laid emphasis... The Hindu Mahasabha has been doing incalculable harm to the idea of Indian nationhood by highlighting communal differences, by lumping all Muslims together."

— Subhas Chandra Bose, Forward Bloc Weekly, December 30, 1939

In a 1942 Azad Hind Radio broadcast, Bose urged:

"I would request Mr. Jinnah, Mr. Savarkar, and all those leaders who still think of a compromise with the British, to realize once for all that in the world of tomorrow, there will be no British Empire. All those individuals, groups, or parties who now participate in the fight for freedom will have an honored place in the India of tomorrow... The supporters of British imperialism will naturally become non-entities in a free India."

— Subhas Chandra Bose, Azad Hind Radio Broadcast, August 17, 1942, reprinted in Selected Speeches of Subhas Chandra Bose

During World War II and Ideological Development

According to Miraculous escape of Netaji Bose on the night of January 17-18, 1941, Bose was placed under house arrest in Kolkata in August 1940 due to his leadership in the Indian National Congress and opposition to British rule, not specifically for the Quit India Movement, which began in 1942. He escaped on the night of January 16-17, 1941, disguised as a Pathan, and reached Gomoh Railway Station in Bihar (now Jharkhand), then proceeded to Peshawar with help from the Abwehr and local supporters. His journey continued through Kabul, Afghanistan, and the Soviet Union, before arriving in Berlin in April 1941, showcasing his determination to seek international support for India’s independence.

Before reaching Germany, Bose attempted to engage the Soviet Union, recognizing Russia’s geopolitical influence against British interests. However, Joseph Stalin was skeptical, prioritizing the USSR’s defense against the German invasion during Operation Barbarossa, which began in June 1941, thus aligning resources away from Bose’s cause.

A newspaper announcing has a visit to the USSR

In Germany, Bose met Adolf Hitler and Nazi officials, seeking military and diplomatic support. His relationship with the Nazis was complex; they recognized his potential but offered limited tangible aid, as evidenced by historian Romain Hayes, who noted the German Foreign Office provided Bose with a luxurious residence but little strategic commitment.

Bose meeting Hitler

An intriguing aspect is Bose’s relationship with Emilie Schenkl, an Austrian woman who became a German subject. They met in 1934 when she served as his personal secretary. They were secretly married in December of 1937 in Badgastein, Austria. They later had a daughter, Anita, in 1942. Known only to a few, their relationship remained a closely guarded secret due Bose’s political commitments.

According to Emilie Schenkl, the marriage was kept a secret in order to avoid any disruption to Bose's dedication to India's independence movement; a reason not too dissimilar from Hitler’s decision to hold off his marriage to Eva Braun.

Bose with his wife Emilie

In Germany, Bose formed the Indian Legion, also known as the Free India Legion or Azad Hind Fauj, from Indian prisoners of war captured in North Africa, particularly during the Afrika Korps campaigns. Initially named the "Free India Legion," it operated under the Wehrmacht (German Army) rather than the SS, though influenced by both structures. Bose envisioned it as a liberation force for India, but its activities were confined to Europe due to the war’s dynamics.

Volunteers for the Free India Legion

Propaganda stamp printed in Germany, showing members of the Free India Legion

Footage of the Free India Legion

While in Germany, Bose developed a unique ideology that combined elements of Kemalism, Marxism-Leninism, and National Socialism, specifically adapted to fit India's context. He drew inspiration from the teachings of the Bhagavad Gita and the universalism of Swami Vivekananda. This hybrid ideology can be seen as a uniquely Indian form of National Bolshevism.

Historian Leonard Gordon observes:

"Inner religious explorations continued to be a part of his adult life. This set him apart from the slowly growing number of atheistic socialists and communists who dotted the Indian landscape."

— Leonard A. Gordon, Brothers Against the Raj: A Biography of Indian Nationalists Sarat and Subhas Chandra Bose

Bose envisioned a neutral India, free of religious bias, shaped by his upbringing in Muslim-majority Bengal, where his family joined in festivals like Muharram, writing:

"I was lucky… that the environment in which I grew up was on the whole conducive to the broadening of my mind."

"In fact, I cannot remember ever to have looked upon Muslims as different from ourselves in any way except that they go to pray in a mosque."

— Subhas Chandra Bose, An Indian Pilgrim: An Unfinished Autobiography

Opposing caste discrimination, he nursed a Dalit classmate with cholera and supported inter-caste marriages, writing:

"Communalism will go only when the communal mentality goes. To destroy communalism is, therefore, the task of all those Indians—Muslims, Sikhs, Hindus, Christians, etc.—who have transcended the communal outlook and developed a genuine nationalist mentality."

— Subhas Chandra Bose, Forward Bloc Weekly, February 24, 1940

Bose favored communism and admired Nazi Germany, proposing:

“One is inclined to hold that the next phase in world-history will produce a synthesis between communism and fascism.”

"Our philosophy should be a synthesis between national socialism and communism."

— Subhas Chandra Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-1942

He wrote of the Soviet Union:

"During the twentieth century, Russia has enriched the culture and civilization through her achievement in the proletarian revolution, proletarian government, and proletarian culture. The next remarkable contribution to the culture and civilization of the world, India will be called upon to make."

"I am quite satisfied that Communism, as it has been expressed in the writings of Marx and Lenin and the official statements of policy of the Communist International, gives full support to the struggle for national independence and recognizes it as an integral part of its world outlook. My personal view today is that the Indian National Congress should be organized on the broadest anti-imperialist front and should have the two-fold objective of winning political freedom and the establishment of a socialist regime."

— Subhas Chandra Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-1934

On Jews, Bose’s stance shifted from denouncing Nazi persecution in 1938 to advocating anti-Semitism in a 1942 Angriff article, claiming Jews aided British exploitation, prompting The Jewish Chronicle to label him "India’s anti-Jewish Quisling."

Roman Hayes reflects:

"The most troubling aspect of Bose’s presence in Nazi Germany is not military or political but rather ethical. His alliance with the most genocidal regime in history poses serious dilemmas precisely because of his popularity and his having made a lifelong career of fighting the ‘good cause.’"

— Roman Hayes, Subhas Chandra Bose in Nazi Germany

Bose championed women’s roles, forming the Rani of Jhansi Regiment, contrasting with India’s patriarchal norms, an unexpected detail given his conservative context.

The Germans were deeply impressed by his vision and organizational skills, recognizing that Bose possessed the detailed blueprint necessary to establish a functional state immediately upon attaining power in India. His proposals were not merely aspirational; they were grounded in practicality and foresight. For instance, Bose envisioned a police force modeled after the Gestapo, emphasizing efficiency, discipline, and centralized control. He provided intricate details on its structure, operations, and training, demonstrating his understanding of the need for a robust security apparatus to maintain order and stability in a newly independent India. This level of planning underscored Bose’s commitment to ensuring that India’s transition to self-rule would be seamless and effective.

Beyond the police force, Bose’s plans extended to a wide range of policies essential for nation-building. He recognized the importance of economic self-sufficiency, administrative efficiency, and social cohesion in creating a stable and prosperous India. His discussions with German officials revealed his deep understanding of governance, as he outlined strategies for industrialization, agricultural reform, and infrastructure development. Bose’s ability to articulate these plans with such precision left a lasting impression on his German counterparts, who saw in him a leader capable of transforming India into a modern, independent state.

Bose having lunch with Heinrich Himmler

Recognizing Germany’s limited support, despite the German interest in him. Bose shifted his focus to Japan, influenced by their broader strategy to weaken British colonial power in Asia. In 1943, he arrived in Singapore, establishing the Azad Hind Government, a provisional government with its own flag, currency, and postal stamps, symbolizing Indian sovereignty. When Bose took over the reins of the INA from Rash Behari Bose in 1943, he named brigades after Gandhi, Nehru, Maulana Azad, and himself, symbolizing ideological unity despite conflicts, illustrating a blend of personal respect and political strategy.

“Subhas Chandra Bose enthusiastically hailed 'the end of the British Empire' and called on Indians to join the Axis side. Around 3,500 answered the initial call from Berlin of the self-proclaimed Netaji ('leader') to form an Indian Army of Liberation, most of them Indians who had been taken prisoner by the Germans in North Africa. When he reached Asia—having traveled by U-boat from Kiel to Sumatra—Bose was able to recruit a further 45,000 men (again mostly prisoners from Singapore and elsewhere) to his Indian National Army and the Axis cause.”

— Niall Ferguson, The War of the World: Twentieth-Century Conflict and The Descent of The West

Bose’s leadership of the INA allowed him to put into practice ideas about strengthening unity among all Indians. The INA, composed of Indian prisoners of war from the British Indian Army and civilians in Southeast Asia, included a significant number of Punjabis, Muslims, Hindus, and Sikhs, with many officers being Punjabi Muslims. His ability to gain their absolute loyalty through words and deeds is highlighted by post-independence and partition accounts, where Muslim officers, now citizens of Pakistan, spoke of Bose with tears, passing down stories of his inspiring confidence to their children and grandchildren, reflecting his unifying impact across communities.

INA troops and the Japanese army doing a banzai

Hum Dilli Dilli Jayenge!

Gandhi, initially a strong critic of Bose due to ideological differences, acknowledged the INA’s contributions in fostering unity. In his article “The INA Trial” published in Harijan on May 26, 1946, he wrote:

"The INA trial has revealed some facts which are very creditable to those who have been on trial. It has been shown that Hindus and Mussalmans worked together as brothers and sisters without any distinction of caste or community. This is a great achievement and it shows that when people are inspired by a common ideal they can forget their differences and work together for a common purpose."

— Mahatma K. Gandhi, The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, vol. 84

Additionally, in an interview with the press on July 27, 1946, Gandhi stated:

"The INA has done a great service to the country by showing that Hindus, Mussalmans, Sikhs, and others can live together and work together for a common cause."

— Mahatma K. Gandhi, The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, vol. 85

Under Bose’s leadership, the INA aimed to launch operations against British forces in India to overthrow colonial rule. During the Imphal-Kohima campaign in 1944, the INA fought alongside Japanese troops as part of the Axis efforts to advance into British-held territories. This campaign was a key part of Japan and the INA's strategy to penetrate India via Burma (now Myanmar). However, they encountered numerous challenges, including severe logistical issues and supply shortages, which were exacerbated by the difficult terrain of northeastern India.

The INA and Japanese forces faced fierce resistance from the Allied forces, which included Indian, British, and Commonwealth troops. The monsoon season further compounded their problems, leading to difficult conditions and a breakdown in supply lines. This resulted in heavy casualties and ultimately led to the failure of the campaign. The defeat at Imphal and Kohima marked a turning point, and the INA eventually retreated. Despite its military setbacks, the INA left a significant legacy in India's independence movement. The trials of INA officers in 1945 became a focal point of nationalist sentiment in India, galvanizing public opinion against British rule and contributing to the momentum towards Indian independence.

‘Subhas’ sacrifice’ — showing Bose offering his head to Mother India, with other nationalist leaders as she frees herself from the chains of the British dragon

Unfortunately, Bose reportedly died on August 18, 1945, from third-degree burns sustained in a plane crash in Taiwan. His body was cremated at the Taihoku crematorium on August 20, and his ashes were transported to Tokyo by September 7, eventually being placed in Renkōji Temple by mid-September. However, many Bengalis have long rejected this official account, fueling persistent conspiracy theories.

In 2016, the West Bengal government established a committee to investigate Bose's death, but as of 2025, no conclusive new evidence has emerged, leaving the mystery unresolved. One enduring conspiracy theory suggests that Bose survived the plane crash, was captured by Soviet forces, taken to Moscow, secretly tried, and subsequently sent to a Gulag, where he died in isolation. Despite its popularity, this theory lacks concrete evidence. Historical research, including investigations by the Indian government, has yet to uncover verifiable documents or credible witnesses to substantiate these claims.

There have been no significant breakthroughs or newly uncovered evidence regarding Bose's death. The Indian government has not released any additional findings, and the case remains officially closed. However, interest in Bose's legacy continues to grow, with renewed calls for transparency and further investigation into historical archives, particularly in Russia and Japan. Some researchers have suggested leveraging advanced forensic and archival technologies to re-examine existing evidence, but no formal initiatives have been launched. The mystery of Bose's fate remains a deeply emotional and unresolved chapter in Indian history.

Modern Legacy: A Contested Terrain

Bose’s legacy remains a subject of intense debate and contention in contemporary India, as of March 13, 2025. His multifaceted character — as a nationalist, socialist, secularist, and military leader — has been interpreted in various ways by different political factions, reflecting the complexity of his contributions.

The Bharatiya Janata party (BJP), which espouses Hindutva ideology, has attempted to co-opt Bose’s image, emphasizing his nationalist and military aspects while downplaying his socialist and secular credentials. In 2021, the BJP-led government declared January 23, Bose’s birthday, as Parakram Diwas (Day of Courage), and inaugurated a hologram statue at the India Gate in New Delhi. This move has been seen as an effort to align Bose with the party’s nationalist narrative, but it has been criticized by scholars and commentators, as misrepresenting his opposition to communal politics.

Conversely, the Indian National Congress and left-wing parties highlight Bose’s secularism and vision of a socialist India, arguing his legacy should be remembered for unity and equality, not a nationalist alignment…. As noted Bose was a secular nationalist and a socialist; he would have rejected both attempts to co-opt him. Scholars continue to debate Bose’s political ideology, particularly his views on fascism and socialism during the war years. Some, like Sugata Bose in His Majesty’s Opposition: Subhas Chandra Bose and India’s Struggle Against Empire, argue his admiration for fascism was pragmatic, necessary for gaining Axis support, while others see it as a genuine affinity, complicating his ethical legacy.

Despite these debates, Bose’s contribution to India’s freedom struggle is undeniable. His leadership of the INA and efforts to mobilize Indians abroad inspired many and challenged British rule. His legacy is celebrated through memorials, museums, and educational institutions across India, such as the Netaji Bhawan in Kolkata, visited by politicians and dignitaries, ensuring his vision and sacrifices are remembered by future generations.

Bose getting a Guard of Honor by the tri-services

Conclusions

Bose’s life and legacy embody the unyielding spirit of India’s struggle for independence. A revolutionary who defied colonial oppression, Bose’s audacious escape, daring alliances, and leadership of the INA inspired millions to dream of a free India. His rallying cry, "Give me blood, and I will give you freedom," echoed across the nation, galvanizing a diverse population to unite against British tyranny. Though his military campaigns faced setbacks, the trials of INA soldiers shook the foundations of the Raj, hastening its decline. Bose’s vision of a secular, national socialist India, free from communal divides, remains a cornerstone of his legacy, even as his pragmatic alliances with fascist regimes continue to spark controversy. His mysterious death in 1945 only deepened the enigma surrounding him, ensuring his place as a mythic figure in India’s history. Bose remains a timeless symbol of resistance and hope.

Bose with a bugle leading a march on Delhi

"India is calling. Blood is calling to blood. Get up, we have no time to lose. Take up your arms! We shall carve our way through the enemy's ranks, or if God wills, we shall die a martyr's death. And in our last sleep, we shall kiss the road that will bring our Army to Delhi. The road to Delhi is the road to Freedom.

March to Delhi."

— Subhas Chandra Bose, India Calling