The Worldview of Lothrop Stoddard
by Zoltanous
Introduction
Theodore Lothrop Stoddard, born on June 29, 1883, and passing away on May 1, 1950, was an American figure known for his racialist views, advocacy of White Supremacy, and support for eugenics. He possessed a deep understanding of American history, culture, and politics, which made his numerous writings popular, particularly during the 1920s — a time when concerns about urban societal issues were prevalent. Stoddard was affiliated with the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) and the American Eugenics Society, and he studied at both Boston University and Harvard. He is credited with coining the term "Untermensch," meaning "subhuman," which was later utilized by the Nazis in their propaganda during the 1930s.
After the outbreak of World War II, Stoddard journeyed to Germany, where he interacted with prominent leaders of the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP). He began to develop a growing interest in a variant of National Socialist ideology that infused American concepts. Although Stoddard exhibited certain Nazi tendencies, he is largely categorized as a Classical Liberal in the context of American political thought. Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn, an aristocratic critic of Hitler, observed that the Classical Liberal tradition frequently supported radical measures, provided they aligned with the Anglo-Saxon interpretation of liberty. Leddihn delves deeply into this idea in his book, Liberty or Equality, where he offers a thoughtful examination of Classical Liberalism, particularly as it pertains to Stoddard and the origins of his ideological perspective.
“The fact remains that the true liberal is not pledged to any specific constitution, but would subordinate his choice to the desire to see himself and his fellow-citizens enjoying a maximum of liberty. If he thinks that a monarchy would grant greater liberty than a republic, he would choose the former; under certain circumstances he might even prefer the actual restrictions of a military dictatorship to the potential evolutions of a democracy.”
— Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn, Liberty or Equality
Stoddard held that it was essential to repatriate all non-White and non-European groups from North America back to their countries of origin. He also endorsed the sterilization of individuals who resisted these measures. In this light, Stoddard, alongside Margaret Sanger, can be regarded as an early advocate for Planned Parenthood; however, his endorsement of these initiatives was grounded in the principles of racial eugenics, in contrast to contemporary views on reproductive health. This contentious legacy has sparked numerous criticisms, including some that have emerged in conservative discourse on social media.
In many ways, Stoddard embodies the archetype of a 20th-century White racist, often referenced by both conservatives and liberals in debates surrounding abortion. However, dismissing him outright, as some might prefer, would overlook the significant depth of his historical, racial, and political insights concerning American history — insights arguably greater than those of many contemporary scholars. Stoddard's education at prestigious institutions like Harvard and Boston University positioned him within a tradition that was seen as central to the advancement of Anglo-Saxon thought in Western Civilization.
In addition, he wrote numerous historical and political texts that address a diverse array of topics such as Islam, the Soviet Union, Nazi Germany, Scientific racism, the history of America, etc. For readers eager to delve into his significant contributions, here are some important works by Stoddard:
Stoddard on American History
Stoddard was a strong advocate for anti-immigration policies and vehemently opposed immigration from non-Whites. He also disliked non-Nordic immigrants from Europe, such as Slavic and Mediterranean Europeans. He identified as an Anglo-Saxon ethno-centrist, firmly believing that only those of Anglo-Saxon descent should be eligible for citizenship or naturalization in the United States. He expressed admiration for the Naturalization Act of 1790, championed by George Washington, but in Reforging America, he criticized early American leaders for not taking further steps. Stoddard argued that they should have made the law a constitutional amendment and proposed specific exclusions for individuals with criminal backgrounds, alcoholics, and thieves. He essentially viewed those with significant criminal histories as outsiders to the Anglo-Saxon nation.
“We must remember that in 1775, the American colonies had 200,000 white inhabitants, to say nothing of 500,000 Negroes; whereas the population of England itself was then barely 700,000. We know that the American population was growing at a faster rate than that of England, and we can be almost certain that if the Revolutionary War had not taken place, it would have grown faster than it subsequently did. We may be sure, therefore, that a united, peaceful, and prosperous 'British America,' presumably including not only the thirteen colonies but also Canada and Florida, would have made such prodigious strides that within a generation it would have been claiming something like full partnership in the management of the empire.”
— Lothrop Stoddard, Reforging America
Stoddard analyzed the American Revolution through a racial lens, providing insights and critiques that many Americans, both historically and today, may be unaware of. He highlighted several policies of the British Empire, such as the Parliament's and King George III's decision to hire foreign mercenaries from various parts of Europe. These mercenaries were sent across the Atlantic to major colonial cities like Boston, New York, Norfolk, and Philadelphia, where they were tasked with wreaking havoc and acting as partisans against the American colonists.
One of Stoddard's key points was that the British Parliament approached Catherine the Great of Russia, proposing to enlist around 70,000 Russian soldiers as mercenaries to suppress the revolutionary threat posed by the Thirteen Colonies. Additionally, the British Empire sought to enlist the support of Native Americans by offering them money, weapons, and various goods. In exchange, these Indigenous groups conducted violent raids on American settlements, abducted women, and enslaved children, who were often subjected to sexual exploitation and forced labor within tribes such as the Apache, Sioux, and Cherokee.
These troubling aspects of the conflict are discussed in Stoddard's Reforging America and Thomas Goodrich's Scalp Dance. Stoddard questioned how a nation located thousands of miles from its homeland could justify its attempts to maintain control over a people seeking independence through a formal declaration rather than through violent means, especially given the British Empire's history of aggressive actions and acts of genocide against the colonies.
“The plans of George and his ministries were as atrocious as they were fatal to the success of their own cause. They planned to subdue America largely by using foreigners and savages! Combining Europe for mercenaries, they first tried to get a horde of Russians, but the Empress Catherine disdainfully refused to let out her subjects for any such purpose. The British Government therefore hired some 30,000 Germans from Hesse. Albeit Frederick The Great, King of Prussia, showed his contempt by charging a cattle tax for their passage through his dominion. The Hessians ultimately reached the New World and their name is still a hateful byword in many parts of America.”
— Lothrop Stoddard, Reforging America
In his book, Stoddard discusses the population dynamics of the American colonies, arguing that they were primarily viewed by the British Empire as a source of economic profit. This perspective aligns with Britain's broader imperial pursuits in regions like China, India, and Latin America, which were also driven by material gain. He highlights how the British Empire deliberately introduced thousands of non-Whites, particularly enslaved Africans, into the American colonies through the Atlantic Slave Trade. These enslaved people later became part of a larger network involving Islamic pirates, who engaged in the Barbary Slave Trade, exchanging European slaves along the Mediterranean coasts of North Africa — a topic he plans to explore in greater detail in future writings.
Stoddard notes that at the time, the American colonies were home to around two million Anglo-Saxon Europeans alongside over 500,000 enslaved Africans. This demographic breakdown indicates that roughly 75% of the population was White, a figure alarmingly close to estimates of around 60.9% to 57.7% White Americans in 2022. While the British Empire was actively increasing the number of African laborers in America, it simultaneously exploited Irish laborers, often subjecting them to even harsher conditions than those faced by African slaves.
For Stoddard, the American colonies were merely an economic zone for the British, focused on extracting cheap labor and generating profits. The same imperial power was responsible for the deaths of millions in India, Bengal, and Sri Lanka, and it also introduced opium addiction to the Chinese population. Stoddard's historical analysis raises a troubling question: if America had not broken away from British rule, would its people have faced a similar fate, particularly concerning their racial identity?
“Coins of the year 1795 featured the often-quoted phrase: 'A refuge for the oppressed of all nations.' To be sure, our forebears were not wholly logical, as they limited their invitation to White men, with basic naturalization laws admitting to citizenship only 'free white persons.' But with this single limitation, the gates of the young republic stood open to all—even to the pauper, the criminal, and the diseased. For 100 years, no attempt was made to exclude even obviously unfit individuals, as to the undesirable or unassimilable.”
"'Assimilation' should be clearly distinguished from 'naturalization' — the legal act of being admitted to American citizenship. Assimilation is an instinctive process. Naturalization is a formal procedure. The new citizen may, or may not, be 'assimilated.' Indeed, great numbers of naturalized citizens prove conclusively that they have not been in the least assimilated, both by their conduct here and by their frequent return to their homelands, where they use their American citizenship for purely selfish purposes."
— Lothrop Stoddard, Reforging America
At the same time, America was experiencing significant population growth, potentially surpassing the British Empire's native population of approximately 7 million Englishmen by the end of the 18th century. This demographic shift posed a challenge to the British Empire, as it could lead to a more multipolar world where America’s agrarian society and ideals of freedom, human liberty, and personal rights could contest Britain's imperial authority. The British Empire, particularly those who governed it, often employed brutal tactics against various nations and peoples they encountered. This raises questions about the justification of America's revolution against such an oppressive regime. If it is acknowledged that Indigenous peoples, the Chinese, and the Irish were victims of the British Empire, then it follows that American Anglo-Saxons were also affected by its policies.
A young Stoddard in his N. H. S. Signal Corps uniform
In contemporary terms, one might draw parallels between the experiences of American citizens and those of Iraqis, both of whom have faced the consequences of U.S. foreign policies, including the so-called "War on Terror." In this sense, the British Empire can be seen as having employed similarly harsh measures against various groups, reflecting a pattern of imperial brutality. Blame for the injustices of this era should not be placed on the Anglo-Saxon people of the British Empire or the American colonies. Instead, it is the British state that must be held accountable for the atrocities committed against the diverse populations it encountered. Stoddard held a deep appreciation for the Anglo-Saxon heritage, but he also expressed exclusionary views toward those he perceived as outsiders to American identity. His perspective on African Americans was influenced by his belief that their presence was a consequence of British policies.
In Reforging America, Stoddard reflects on these complex historical dynamics and the implications they had for American society.
“America arose from the coming of a picked stock to a splendid and virgin land. The heart of a continent unsurpassed in climate, soil, and natural resources lay empty to the advent of civilized man. The few red-skinned aborigines who roamed its vast forests and illimitable plains had set no real mark upon the country and were foredoomed to melt away. What the future was to be thus depended upon the character of the European newcomers. America was a clean slate on which its possessors could write virtually at will.”
— Lothrop Stoddard, Reforging America
Stoddard's views on eugenics and abortion were shaped by a desire to protect what he perceived as the future of White America. He believed that certain forces within the country were attempting to diminish the Anglo-Saxon population through policies such as immigration, declining birth rates, economic materialism, and alternative lifestyles. In response to these concerns, he advocated for eugenics and influenced others, including Madison Grant, to embrace similar views.
Stoddard argued that abortion was a significant means to reduce the Black American population in the United States, thereby ensuring the continued existence of the White race without needing to present a detailed political or economic agenda to the public. It's important to note that Stoddard was primarily a historian rather than a political leader, which may have limited his creative thinking within this context.
“The entire process of colonial settlement was, in fact, one continued, drastic cycle of eugenic selection. Only the racially fit usually came, and the few unfit who did come were mostly weeded out by the exacting requirements of early American life. More and more, the native-born colonial population became a stock remarkable for courage, initiative, and forceful vitality.”
— Lothrop Stoddard, Reforging America
As conservatives often point out, Planned Parenthood, before becoming a focal point for liberalism and discussions on population control, was initially established by proponents of eugenics, including some associated with the KKK and others who were concerned with biological issues in the early 20th century. Similarly, the leaders of the Bolshevik Revolution and the Allies who sought to "denazify" Germany and Europe can also be viewed through the lens of Racial eugenics, which differs from liberal eugenics.
Racial eugenicists, in essence, often advocate for policies and sentiments that parallel those Stoddard envisioned regarding the Black population in the United States. Some leftists and abortion rights advocates may, to some extent, support the idea of reducing the birth rates of certain demographics — particularly White babies — due to concerns related to climate justice, systemic racism, and other socio-political issues. In various political contexts, there are underlying beliefs in eugenics, and some leftists may wish to impose their views on those in the dissident nationalists, including racists who express loyalty to their own ethnic groups. Therefore, any condemnation from liberals or conservatives regarding Stoddard's ethical positions would be seen as disingenuous and misguided.
“It is a pity that in considering the Revolution so much emphasis is laid upon the particular incidents which occurred and the formal arguments put forward. These are not the things which really mattered. So prodigious an explosion as the shattering of the Anglo-Saxon world was not caused by revenue stamps or a tax on tea. If those imposts had never been dreamed of, far graver issues, such as the British plans for the exploitation of the Ohio Valley and of Canada, would have surged to the fore. The crisis was, of course, precipitated by a stubborn King and by short-sighted Cabinet Ministers anxious to get some revenue out of America; but a crisis would have arisen somehow within a very few years. The trouble was not George III, nor his henchmen, nor the hotheads of the Boston coffee-houses; the real trouble lied in a profound difference between the American and British points of view. The Americans were a virile, determined folk, conscious of their strength, flushed with victory, chafing at outgrown restraints, and resolved on a great future. The British simply had no conception of all this at all.”
— Lothrop Stoddard, Reforging America
In examining the American Revolution, Stoddard delved into historical events and sentiments with greater depth than the typical narratives presented in schools, which often simplify the conflict to notions like "taxation without representation."
According to Stoddard, the American Revolution can be understood as a conflict between two Anglo-Saxon nations: Colonial America and Great Britain, separated by a vast ocean. He argued that the separation was inevitable, whether instigated by British authorities or American revolutionaries. These two nations represented distinct visions for their futures — Great Britain focused on economic materialism, while the American colonies were driven by a sense of Manifest Destiny. Stoddard contended that the causes of the revolution extended beyond issues of monarchy or taxation; they were rooted in a deep-seated dissatisfaction that was growing among the American populace. A revolt, whether peaceful or violent, seemed unavoidable. Despite this, American leaders, including George Washington and the Founding Fathers, made earnest efforts to negotiate with King George III and held the British Parliament accountable for the tensions that arose during the 1760s and 1770s. They drafted the Declaration of Independence with the hope that it could be revoked if necessary. Additionally, they established a constitution for the colonies, reflecting their belief that the British constitution was being violated.
In their efforts, the American founders aimed to create a government similar to that of Britain, which was a constitutional monarchy. However, due to the abuses they had suffered under British rule, they ultimately opted for a Republic. The founders recognized that a monarchy would not be practical for the new nation, as the elements of a monarchy were not desired, and any attempt to establish one would likely result in a system that closely resembled the British government they sought to escape. Stoddard suggested that the American colonies did not harbor animosity toward the Anglo-Saxon race or any European peoples, nor did they possess hatred for the British Empire. Their goal was a peaceful separation, but the actions of the British Empire made this difficult, leading to a protracted conflict.
Upon declaring independence, the first American flag featured thirteen red and white stripes along with the British Union Jack, symbolizing the colonies' connections to their heritage. The Grand Union Flag was first raised on December 3, 1775, on the colonial warship Alfred in Philadelphia. This flag served both as a naval ensign and a garrison flag for the Continental Army throughout 1776 and early 1777. It is believed that George Washington's army raised the flag at Prospect Hill in Charlestown on January 2, 1776, as part of their siege of British forces in Boston. Some British observers interpreted the flag as a sign of surrender, though there is scholarly debate regarding whether the flag raised at Prospect Hill was indeed the Grand Union Flag or the British flag.
The Continental Army flag
If the American Revolution was perceived as a rebellion against the British monarchy, one might question why the colonies chose to fly a flag that incorporated colors representing Anglo-Saxon heritage before officially declaring independence on July 4, 1776.
Stoddard writes:
“The political separation from England, being both natural and inevitable, was almost wholly for America's good. Since, under the then existing circumstances, a harmonious Anglo Saxon Confederation was impossible, any continuance of the "colonial” status would have spelled chronic friction, and would have produced a cramping, narrowing effect upon American life.”
“To imagine that this inspiration was caused solely, or even mainly, by the Revolutionary War is, however, a mistake. The war of course intensified the challenge of the times. A life - and - death struggle, with a rebel's doom and the dishonorable subjection of their native land as the price of defeat, naturally nerved the Patriot leaders to heroic extremes of thought and action. Yet it also tended to eclipse even their judgment with passion, and it compelled them to make decisions which sometimes proved unfortunate.”
"The United States is a composite nation, the product of blending and amalgamating many races. But the original stock was Anglo-Saxon, the root and sap from which our national life has developed."
— Lothrop Stoddard, Reforging America
Stoddard on Race, Eugenics and Communism
The Rising Tide of Color Against White World Supremacy holds significant relevance in the discourse surrounding race. In this work, Stoddard asserts that non-White "races" are perceived as a threat to White dominance, using the Russo-Japanese War as a key example of a conflict between racial groups. He introduces the concept of the "brown reaction," linking it to what he describes as the "Mohammedan Revival," and references Yahya Siddyk's writings on the resurgence of Islamic cultures during the 14th century of the Hegira. Furthermore, he discusses a movement in Africa called the "Ethiopian Church," which he claims was spread by Afro-American Methodist ministers and contributed to the Zulu uprising in Natal in 1907. Stoddard's book raises alarms about the consequences of interracial relationships and promotes the idea of maintaining racial "purity" in White societies, contending that immigration results in declining birth rates among White populations as they prioritize resource accumulation to live in predominantly White neighborhoods.
"As long as the people of any community are relatively homogeneous, what differences of wealth and social position there may be do not affect the birth-rate, or do so only after a considerable time. But put into that community a number of immigrants, inferior mentally, sociallyi, and economically, and the natives are unwilling to have their children associate with them in work or social life. They then limit the number of their children in order to give them the capital or education to enter occupations in which they will not be brought into contact with the new arrivals."
— Lothrop Stoddard, The Rising Tide of Color Against White World Supremacy
Stoddard contends that the growing population and economic influence of non-White races, especially in Asia, will result in a "collapse of civilization." He points to the circumstances in Latin America as an example, referring to it as a political rise of mixed-races, and adds that:
"These unhappy beings, every cell of whose bodies is a battle-ground of jarring heredities, express their souls in acts of hectic violence and aimless instability. The normal state of tropical America is anarchy, restrained only by domestic tyrants or foreign masters.”
— Lothrop Stoddard, The Rising Tide of Color Against White World Supremacy
Stoddard’s world map of the "races" — White, Yellow, Black, Brown, and Amerindian
Stoddard noted that as colonialism wanes, the world will experience a surge in non-White populations. He acknowledged that White communities may need to "abandon" certain regions as they transition into minority status.
“It is precisely the determination to get rid of white rule which seems to be spreading like wildfire over the brown world today.”
— Lothrop Stoddard, The Rising Tide of Color Against White World Supremacy
Stoddard expressed deep disdain for Black people, perceiving them as lacking civilization. His animosity towards Jews was partly rooted in the belief that they had "Negro blood," which he believed threatened the purity of his vision of Nordic America.
“[The US] has been invaded by hordes of immigrant Alpines and Mediterraneans, not to mention Asiatic elements like Levantines and Jews, Negros will remain savage and crossings with the Negro is uniformly fatal.”
— Lothrop Stoddard, The Rising Tide of Color Against White World Supremacy
Stoddard's work garnered significant attention, resulting in ten editions being published within a mere two years. One notable reader was U.S. President Warren Harding, who praised Stoddard during a speech in 1921 commemorating the 50th anniversary of Birmingham, Alabama. In his remarks, Harding addressed the "race problem" on both a national and international scale, emphasizing what he described as “fundamental, eternal, and inescapable differences” among races. He urged southern states to prevent Black communities from becoming “vast reservoirs of ignorance.” Stoddard’s influence reached a wide audience, including prominent figures like Alfred Harmsworth, the publisher of the Daily Mail and Daily Mirror, who admired his work.
In addressing the issue of race, his approach contributed to the establishment of what is now known as Planned Parenthood. He collaborated with Margret Sanger's American Birth Control League, which was an early version of Planned Parenthood, serving in various roles such as a member of the National Council, part of the fifteen-member Board of Directors, and as a participant in the committee for the First American Birth Control Conference. He also published eugenics-focused articles in the Birth Control Review. These efforts were aimed at implementing strategies and policies that sought to reduce the Black population in America. This, of course, being views he touched upon before:
“‘Finally perish!’ That is the exact alternative which confronts the white race…. Just as we isolate the bacterial invasions and starve out the bacteria by limiting the area and amount of their food supply, so we can compel an inferior race to remain in its native habitat…”
— Lothrop Stoddard, The Rising Tide of Color Against White World Supremacy
In 1929, Stoddard participated in a historic debate with civil rights icon W. E. B. Du Bois. The discussion centered on the claim made by White Supremacy that Black people lack the same "intellectual potential" as other races. Both Stoddard and Du Bois hailed from Massachusetts. Du Bois was notably the first Black scholar to receive a doctorate from Harvard and, by 1929, had gained prominence as a well-known Marxist-Leninist in the United States. The debate between Du Bois and Stoddard was promoted as “one of the greatest debates ever held,” with both men addressing the question, “Should the Negro be encouraged to pursue cultural equality?” Du Bois, aware that a portion of the audience was Black, anticipated that Stoddard would face ridicule from the crowd.
A poster advertising, the debate
"'The more enlightened men of southern white America... are doing their best to see that separation shall not mean discrimination; that if the Negroes have separate schools, they shall be good schools; that if they have separate train accommodations, they shall have good accommodations.' [Laughter].”
— Lothrop Stoddard, Should the Negro be encouraged to pursue cultural equality?
Du Bois addressed Stoddard by explaining that the laughter from the audience was a reaction to Stoddard's unfamiliarity with Jim Crow laws, in contrast to the audience members who had directly experienced those limitations. This exchange was captured in a headline from The Chicago Defender, which proclaimed, "DuBois Shatters Stoddard’s Cultural Theories in Debate; Thousands Pack the Hall ... Cheered As He Demonstrates Race Equality." The Afro-American noted that "5,000 Cheer W. E. B. DuBois, Laugh at Lothrop Stoddard." Stoddard's comments shed light on his segregationist beliefs, especially his endorsement of the "separate but equal" doctrine.
Stoddard emphasized the significant role of race in shaping human societies, asserting that recent scientific discoveries have highlighted its importance in determining the fates of different peoples. In 1922, he published The Revolt Against Civilization, a book characterized by its striking cover design featuring a black background and bold red graphics, including a circle and a hammer and sickle. In this work, he articulated his beliefs on racial eugenics and abortion, arguing for their necessity and outlining potential policies that could stem from these ideas. Stoddard expressed concern over the birth rates and immigration patterns of racial minorities in America. As a pragmatist with a strong background in biology and genetics, which he studied at Harvard University, he approached these topics with a scientific lens.
"To have maintained an unchecked birth-rate would have meant for the Western nations congested masses of humanity like those of Asia, dwelling on a low level of poverty. To escape this fate, the more intelligent and far-sighted elements in every civilized land began quickly to avail themselves of the new contraceptive methods and to limit the size of their families in this manner. That raised a great public outcry (largely on religious grounds), and in most countries the imparting of contraceptive knowledge was legally prohibited. Such action was extremely stupid—and very disastrous. To far-sighted communities it should have been evident that with the appearance of new social factors like lowered death-rates, higher living costs, and rising standards, a lower birth-rate was simply inevitable that civilized peoples could not, and would not, go on breeding like animals, as they had done in the old days of cheap living and low standards, when a high birth-rate was offset by the unchecked ravages of death. But, a reduced birth-rate being inevitable, the only questions which remained were: How, and by whom should it be reduced? Should it be by the traditional methods of celibacy (tempered by illicit sex-relations and prostitution), deferred marriage, infanticide, and abortion or should it be by the new contraceptive methods? Again: Should all sections of the population lower their birth-rates, or should only the more intelligent classes? Unfortunately for the race, it was the latter alternative which prevailed. Instead of spreading contraceptive knowledge among the masses and thus mitigating as far as possible the evils of a racially destructive differential birth-rate, society succeeded in keeping the masses in ignorance and high fecundity, whereas it emphatically did not succeed in keeping contraceptive knowledge from the more intelligent, who increasingly practiced birth control—and diminished their contributions to the population."
— Lothrop Stoddard, The Revolt Against Civilization
In this book, Stoddard introduced the concept of "Untermensch," which he originally referred to as the "Under-Man." This term was later adopted by the National Socialists to describe those seen as alien to German culture and the broader Germanic identity, providing a rationale for their views and actions. Stoddard dedicated a chapter to discussing the characteristics of the "Under-Man," portraying him as a destructive entity that undermines beauty, culture, and natural order. He presented a dialectical framework contrasting "subhumans" with "supermen," suggesting that these opposing forces are catalysts for global conflict and divergent ideologies. According to Stoddard, the "Under-Man" is driven by a need to dismantle what he cannot create, initially posing as an ally to the "superman" but ultimately seeking to critique and eradicate the achievements of others.
Stoddard believed that racial eugenics could address this struggle, arguing that it was possible to break the cycle of envy and resentment directed toward superior civilizations through selective breeding programs. He envisioned a "vetting process" for procreation, advocating for the propagation of individuals he deemed intelligent and capable. He suggested that if prospective parents did not align with the values of the state or society, both they and their potential offspring should be eliminated. His approach to eugenics served not only political and cultural aims but also racial ones, as he sought to eliminate perceived deficiencies within the European, particularly Anglo-Saxon, population while restricting the influence of non-European groups.
Stoddard used the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution as a cautionary example, arguing that its aftermath, which saw the deaths of countless educated and cultured individuals, could serve as a warning. He cautioned that if similar upheavals were to occur in other nations, it would lead to widespread chaos and despair. The Bolshevik Revolution resulted in the tragic loss of many educated Russians, particularly those from the German aristocracy. The revolution effectively dismantled Western influences in Russia, transforming the country into a state dominated by a mix of Mongolian heritage and led by Jewish revolutionaries. This shift ultimately set the stage for a conflict with Germany just two decades later, leading to one of the most significant crisis in European history.
Historically, Russia was known for its rich cultural heritage, possibly one of the most refined in the world. Stoddard argues that the rise of the Communists, whom he refers to as "undermen," led to the destruction of this cultural identity, severely damaging the intellectual elite and high society of the Russian Empire beyond repair. Consequently, many in the racially conscious Western world no longer view Russia as a European nation. Instead, it is often seen as a recovering Eurasian empire that has the potential, whether intentional or not, to challenge the West through its own brand of imperialism. This could result in a similar cultural decline in Western nations as was experienced in Russia under Bolshevik rule, facilitated by Western capitalist interests.
"The Bolshevik Revolution, however, produced a radically new situation, not merely for Russia, but also for the whole world. Falling from the clouds and rising from the cellars, the forces of unrest coalesced in an open line of battle, provided with a huge base of operations, vast resources, and great material fighting strength. To have acquired at a stroke the mastery of mighty Russia, covering nearly one-sixth of the whole land surface of the globe and inhabited by fully 150,000,000 human souls, was a material asset of incalculable value. And the moral gains were equally important. 'Nothing succeeds like success'; so the triumph of the Russian Bolsheviks set revolutionists everywhere aquiver, firing their blood; inflaming their 'will to power,' and nerving their hearts to victory."
“Furthermore, we have seen that the Russian Bolshevik Revolution was not a chance happening but the logical outcome of a process of social disintegration and savage resurgence that had long been going on. For more than half a century the 'Nihilists' had been busily fanning the smoldering fires of chaos."
"In November, 1917, eight months after the outbreak of the Second Russian Revolution, came the Third, or Bolshevik Revolution, the crushing of both political liberals and moderate Socialists, and the triumph of violent Communism. Russia sank into the hell of class war, bloodshed, terrorism, poverty, cold, disease, and appalling famine in which it has been weltering ever since. Furthermore, 'Red Russia' appeared like a baleful meteor on the world's horizon."
"The Bolshevik leaders promptly sought to use Russia as a lever for upsetting the whole world and supplemented their national organization by the 'Third International,' whose revolutionary tentacles soon stretched to the remotest corners of the earth."
“The fundamental characteristic of Bolshevism is its violence. Of course, this was also a basic element in Syndicalism but the Bolshevists seem to stress violence even more than their Syndicalist predecessors. Bolshevism calmly assumes wholesale class warfare of the most ferocious character on a world-wide scale for an indefinite period, as a normal phase of its development and as necessary for its success."
— Lothrop Stoddard, The Revolt Against Civilization
Stoddard outlines that eugenics is not a quick fix but rather an evolutionary process rooted in scientific principles. He emphasizes that the goal of eugenics is not to target those considered "degenerate" in the present, but rather to prevent the potential offspring of such individuals from being born. Stoddard advocates for a systematic approach to ensure that undesirable traits do not continue in future generations, arguing that if groups he deemed problematic, such as Bolsheviks, could not reproduce, they would eventually fade from existence. Stoddard's perspective on eugenics is not driven by malice but rather by a pragmatic view of societal conflict. He does not support violent measures; instead, he envisions a world where certain behaviors and ideologies naturally decline through lack of procreation. He sees eugenics as a means of cultural, physical, and spiritual warfare in a time when societal struggles are increasingly fought in the realm of ideas and reproduction.
“The idea of ‘Natural Equality’ is one of the most pernicious delusions that has ever afflicted mankind. It is a figment of the human imagination. Nature knows no equality. The most cursory examination of natural phenomena reveals the presence of a Law of Inequality as universal and inflexible as the Law of Gravitation.”
— Lothrop Stoddard, The Revolt Against Civilization
A picture of Stoddard
Stoddard on The Third Reich
Upon learning that Nazi Germany had examined his racial and political writings from the 1920s — works of several prominent National Socialists.
"The United states of America, according to the universal agreement of all travelers, is the magnificent land of the future. It has the great task of throwing aside all outworn ideas which date from before its foundation. It can proceed with youthful strength to set up the new idea of the racial state, such as some awakened Americans have already apprehended, like Grant and Stoddard. They saw the necessity for the expulsion and resettlement of the Blacks and the Yellow men, the handing over of east Asiatic possessions to Japan, the working toward a Black colonization in central Africa, and the resettlement of the Jews to a region where this entire group can find a place."
— Alfred Rosenberg, The Myth of The Twentieth Century
Stoddard the decided to visit Germany. He aimed to compose an essay reflecting his observations of the German environment to share with Americans. Already harboring suspicions about Jewish influence, Stoddard sought to investigate the narratives propagated by the Jewish media, which he believed dominated public opinion in the United States.
In late 1942, Stoddard arrived in Berlin and traveled throughout Germany for several weeks. To maintain a low profile, he claimed to be heading to Sicily. While he did indeed travel to Sicily, he discreetly used it as a gateway to access the German Reich. Although not officially prohibited, American citizens were generally discouraged from visiting Germany due to the prevailing anti-German sentiment fueled by Jewish propaganda in the U.S. Stoddard recounts his journey to wartime Europe, traveling from America to Italy aboard the Italian liner Rex. He describes the experience as unusual due to the ship being nearly empty, a result of the war's impact on travel and restrictions imposed by the U.S. State Department on ordinary passports. During his conversations with locals in Italy, Stoddard learned about the extensive blackouts in Germany caused by incendiary bombings during Allied air raids. One Italian he spoke with emphasized that the blackouts in Germany were particularly severe, contrasting them with the situation in Italy.
"I crossed the Brenner at night, so I encountered that most startling aspect of wartime Germany—the universal blackout. All the way up the Italian side of the range, towns and villages blazed with electric light furnished by abundant water-power. Also my train compartment was brilliantly illuminated. There was thus no preparation for what was soon to happen. With nothing to do but sit, I was presently tired of my compartment and prowled down the corridor to find out whether anything was to be seen. To my great satisfaction I discovered that the windows to the car doors had no curtains, so I could look out. And what a sight I beheld! It was a full moon, and the moonlight, reflected from new-fallen snow, made the landscape almost as bright as day. Towering mountain-peaks on either hand shot far up into the night. The tall pine and fir trees were bent beneath white loads. Now and then, tiny hamlets of Tyrolean chalets completed the impression of an endless Christmas card."
"At Innsbruck, the first city north of the border, are freight-yards, and here I could appreciate more fully the thoroughness of German anti-air raid precautions. The engines had no headlights—only two small lanterns giving no more illumination than the oil lamps in front of our subway trains. In the freight-yards, switch-lights were painted black except for small cross-slits. Here and there, hooded lights on tall poles cast a dim blue radiance. Only on the station platform were there a few dimmed bulbs—just enough for passengers to see their way."
— Lothrop Stoddard, Into The Darkness
Germany experienced widespread and ongoing blackouts due to the relentless bombing campaigns conducted by Allied forces, particularly the British. The Royal Air Force (RAF) pilots used the illuminated cities of Germany as targets for their bombing runs, leading to significant civilian casualties. In an effort to protect its population from these indiscriminate attacks, the NSDAP implemented a nationwide curfew, requiring that all lights be turned off at night and that vehicles operate without headlights or taillights. The RAF also engaged in strafing runs, indiscriminately firing machine guns at German civilians, committing numerous war crimes that went unaddressed in the post-war tribunals. As Stoddard traveled through rural Germany, he was initially surprised by the blackouts, mistakenly associating them with poverty or inadequate living conditions. However, he soon realized that these measures were primarily intended to safeguard the German populace from the Allies, who showed little regard for the devastation they were inflicting. Major cities such as Berlin, Dresden, and Nuremberg were vital to the country’s economy and industry, with large civilian populations that made it challenging to suppress nightlife as might be done in smaller towns. This situation provided the RAF with justification for targeting these urban centers, particularly Dresden, which faced some of the most brutal attacks. Stoddard's book, titled Into The Darkness, was later misinterpreted by the Allies to imply that he was labeling Nazi Germany as a place of darkness or despair. In reality, the title was a metaphor for the grim circumstances the country was enduring.
Stoddard soon begins to grasp the extent of the National Socialist economy and its achievements after meeting Dr. Richard Walter Darre, an NSDAP official responsible for food supply and agriculture. Through this meeting, he learns about the significance of land ownership in Germany and how the NSDAP aimed to preserve traditional farming practices that date back to the era of the Teutonic Knights, a source of inspiration for the party. Darré invited him to embark on an investigative journey through rural Westphalia and Oldenburg, which he deemed the most enlightening regions to explore. There, Stoddard would witness an agricultural system and lifestyle that had remained largely unchanged since the Middle Ages. This enduring system, adapted for contemporary needs, served as the foundation for the land laws the National Socialist government sought to implement across the Reich, presenting Stoddard with a glimpse of a model for their envisioned future.
"The peasant is the life-spring of our Reich and our race." Thus said Walther Darré, Minister of Agriculture and Food Supply, concisely states the Nazi attitude toward the land and those who work it: Blut und Boden! "Blood and Soil!" That is one of National Socialism's key slogans. Nowhere has this revolutionary regime undertaken more daring and original experiments than upon the land itself. Of that I was aware of this when I came to Germany, so I was anxious to study this challenging phase of German life by first-hand observation."
"This is the class which National Socialism seeks to foster by making peasant holdings hereditary; keeping the farm in the family, and keeping it intact by having it descend through the oldest son. That was the old Teutonic method, which still prevails by custom in parts of Germany. Over 700,000 of these hereditary farm holdings have now been established. They cannot be sold or mortgaged; neither can a creditor seize the crop for the owner's personal debt. To qualify as a hereditary peasant, however, a man must be of German blood and be able to manage his property. Title to the land is thus not absolute; it is rather functional in character."
"A few days after this conversation I left Berlin for the projected tour, accompanied by one of the Minister's right-hand men. He was Dr. Friedrich Sohn, a leading agronomist who had also studied agricultural conditions in America and had done special work in the Brookings Institution at Washington. He could thus compare German and American agriculture in a most useful way. As usual, an elaborate schedule had been drawn up for a comprehensive survey, with many stops to visit farms, large and small, and ample time to chat with the owners, look over their livestock, and examine methods of cultivation. A shy man, Dr. Sohn handed me the typewritten schedule rather anxiously.
'This means that we'll be going every day from dawn till after dark,' he said with a deprecating smile. I assured him that was all right with me, as I wanted to make the most of this trip. This cheered him up to no end. Germans really like hard work, and they seem always delighted when a foreigner is willing to hit the same pace."
— Lothrop Stoddard, Into The Darkness
Stoddard initially felt skeptical about Darré’s assertions regarding the successes of National Socialist agriculture, as they seemed somewhat exaggerated. To address Stoddard's doubts, Darré encouraged him to visit the regions he had described. Upon following this advice, Stoddard's findings turned out to be quite persuasive. He began to draw parallels between the rural landscapes of Westphalia and the foundational regions of America, noting unexpected similarities. Although Stoddard held some reservations about the Germans, his experiences in Nazi Germany challenged his preconceived notions and revealed a shared struggle between the two nations.
As he delved deeper into rural Westphalia, Stoddard took note of the distinct character of the land. He described it as one of the most quintessentially Teutonic areas of Germany, stretching from Westphalia to the North Sea and the Danish border, which he referred to as Old Saxon Land. He clarified that this should not be confused with the modern province of Saxony, as Old Saxon Land is historically significant for being the original home of the Teutonic tribes, some of whom migrated to Britain. Stoddard observed that the traditional features of the local population — long heads, ruddy blond hair, and tall, muscular builds — often resembled those of English rural communities or even old-stock Americans. Unlike other regions of Germany, where rural populations tend to live in concentrated villages, Old Saxon Land is distinguished by its scattered farms. Each family operates an independent holding, which reflects the traditional values of the Old Saxons, who have a long history of being self-reliant landowners. This region is predominantly made up of small farms, with relatively few large estates owned by nobility.
Additionally, Stoddard engaged in a meaningful discussion with Gertrud Scholtz-Klink about the role of women in Nazi Germany. A frequently overlooked aspect of the NSDAP is its contribution to reducing rivalry and resentment between the sexes.
"Frau Scholtz-Klink was rather a surprise to me. I had often seen pictures of her, but they were not good likenesses. She must photograph badly, for they all made her out to be a serious, aloof person well into middle life. When you actually meet her, the first impression she makes on you is one of youthful energy. She was then just thirty-six. A compact woman of medium height, she walks to meet you with an easy, swinging gait and gives you a firm handshake. She is quite informal, and as she warms to her subject, her face lights up beneath its crown of abundant blonde hair wound about her head in Marguerite braids. She never gets too serious and laughs easily."
"I started the conversation by telling her some of the organizational activities I had seen, and asked her what was the basic idea on which they were conducted. Unhesitatingly, she answered: ‘Encouraging initiative. You can't just command women. You should give them guiding principles of action. Then, within this framework, let them function with the thought that they themselves are the creators and fulfillers of those ideas.'"
“This rather surprised me, and I told her so, remarking that in America there is a widespread impression that women's position is less free in National Socialist Germany than it was under the Weimar Republic, and that this is especially true regarding women's professional opportunities and political rights."
— Lothrop Stoddard, Into The Darkness
Gertrud responded:
"That depends on what you mean by political rights. We believe that anyone, man or woman, thinks politically who puts the people's welfare ahead of personal advantage. What does it matter if five or six women are members of Parliament, as was the case in the Weimar regime? We think it is vastly more important that, today, sixteen million women are enrolled in our organization and that half a million women leaders have a voice in everything which concerns women and children, from the Central Government and the Party down to the smallest village."
— Gertrud Scholtz-Klink quoted in Into The Darkness by Lothrop Stoddard
Stoddard then asks:
"How about professional opportunities, Are German women still in the universities and in lines like higher scientific work?"
— Lothrop Stoddard, Into The Darkness
Gertrud responds with a smile on her face:
"They certainly are," she replied, "and we are glad to see them there. It is true that when we first came to power seven years ago, some National Socialists were opposed to this because they had been prejudiced by the exaggeratedly feminist types of women who were so prominent under the Weimar Republic. Today, however, this prejudice has practically vanished. If occasionally we run across some man with an anti-feminist chip on his shoulder, we just laugh about him and consider him a funny old has-been out of touch with the times."
— Gertrud Scholtz-Klink quoted in Into The Darkness by Lothrop Stoddard
Stoddard goes on to examine the DAF (German Labor Front) alongside various pro-family initiatives and recreational programs aimed at enhancing the quality of life for the German populace. He emphasizes that the DAF operated as a state-controlled entity that oversaw economic activities with the goal of eliminating class distinctions within German society. Furthermore, Stoddard identifies three key pieces of legislation that played a crucial role in the economic coordination, primarily based upon the land reform policies established by Darré.
“Three important pieces of legislation were passed shortly after the Nazis came to power.
They were:
(1) The National Food Estate;
(2) The Hereditary Farmlands Law;
(3) The Market Control Statute.
The Food Estate is a gigantic, quasi-public corporation, embracing in its membership not only all persons immediately on the land but also everyone connected with the production and distribution of foodstuffs. Large landowners, small peasants, agricultural laborers, millers, bakers, canners, middlemen, right down to the local butchers and grocers—they are all included in this huge vertical trust. The aim is to bring all these groups' interests, previously working largely at cross purposes, into a harmonious, coordinated whole, concerned especially with problems of production and distribution.
The Market Control Statute links all of this with the consumer. Here, there is a thoroughgoing, balanced economic structure based on the principle known as the ‘just price.’ Everybody is supposed to make a profit, but none are to be out of line with the others. Furthermore, the ultimate consumer is to be protected from profiteering.”
— Lothrop Stoddard, Into The Darkness
In his discussion about the economy, Stoddard references Dr. Wilhem Bauer from the Ministry of Economics, who he had the opportunity to interview, stating that:
"Formerly, it was believed that the fate of the State and the nation lay in business, for it was said that business was of such great importance and so powerful that it controlled the State and determined State policies. In the National Socialist State, the relationship between business and the State is just the contrary. This means that the State is not concerned with economic conditions as long as they do not conflict with the welfare of the nation."
— Dr. Wilhem Bauer quoted in Into The Darkness by Lothrop Stoddard
Stoddart notes that dividends were restricted to a maximum of 6%. This limitation on dividends suggests that the Nazi economy aimed to control profits and reinvest resources back into the economy rather than allowing shareholders to reap unlimited financial benefits. By capping dividends, the regime could ensure that more capital was available for state initiatives and projects, aligning with its broader goals of economic stability and military expansion.
In the chapter titled “In a Eugenics Court,” Stoddard examines the complex blend of idealism and propaganda used by Nazi leaders to reshape German society based on their beliefs about race, eugenics, and nationalism. He provides a thorough analysis of how German courts assessed individuals for sterilization under the "Law for Prevention of Hereditary Diseases." During his time at the Hereditary Health Court in Berlin, Stoddard became aware of the government’s initiatives for forced sterilization and selective breeding programs. He would later reflect on Germany’s racial policies, stating that they were:
“Weeding out the worst strains in the Germanic stock in a scientific and truly humanitarian way.”
— Lothrop Stoddard, Into The Darkness
He also noted that many of the procedures and goals associated with this law were ideas he had previously proposed for America in collaboration with Madison Grant and later, Margaret Sanger.
Stoddard pointed out that the Nazis classified Jews as a "mischrasse," or mixed race, which indicated that this group, while considered distinct, comprised individuals from various racial backgrounds. He explained that the Nazis regarded many of these backgrounds as incompatible with the Germanic race, leading to the creation of the Nuremberg Laws that prohibited intermarriage between Jews and Germans. He discusses the use of concentration camps for forced labor, as highlighted in his conversations with Heinrich Himmler.
Regarding Jews, Stoddard concluded that:
“The Jewish Problem would be settled by the physical elimination of the Jews themselves from the Third Reich.”
— Lothrop Stoddard, Into The Darkness
Downfall
During his extended stay in Germany, Stoddard was treated with warm hospitality by Nazi leaders and had the opportunity to meet key figures such as Adolf Hitler, Joseph Goebbels, and Heinrich Himmler. However, by the time his book, Into The Darkness, was published in 1940, his views had fallen out of favor. He was impressed by the German regime's commitment to promoting reproduction among genetically advantageous couples while seeking to eliminate those deemed "unfit." After World War II, Stoddard's opinions began to be closely associated with Nazi ideology, leading to a significant decline in his reputation. When he died of cancer in 1950, his passing went largely unnoticed by the media, despite his earlier significance and influence.
Today, the relevance of eugenics is a topic of debate, as society grapples with various psychological and social challenges affecting all groups. Stoddard might have been dismayed to see how his theories have been appropriated by modern political movements that undermine high culture. He believed that eugenic principles were essential for curbing societal decline before it escalated globally. However, he would likely recognize that the current situation is beyond the scope of eugenics, as the European race faces its own intellectual and cultural challenges. This self-reflection is intended not to disparage but to confront reality. Stoddard’s ideas could inspire those seeking to address these issues, and perhaps one day, his contributions will be acknowledged.
Stoddard's predictions have proven to be largely accurate. He foresaw that Germany would eventually recover from the war, that Islam would grow increasingly militant in its opposition to the West, and that Zionism would undermine and dominate American interests. He also predicted that Soviet Communism would ultimately collapse under the pressure of the United States. Furthermore, he anticipated that decolonization would occur due to cosmopolitan liberalism and the unifying nature of capitalist endeavors, resulting in significant population displacement from the Third World to predominantly White countries.
In the 1920s, Stoddard projected that the percentage of the White population would decline from 20% of the global population in 1900 to just 2% by 2100. Recent mathematical models, based on current trends, suggest that without immigration, the population of unmixed White Americans could face extinction within 168 years. Currently, the percentage of White people in the West has decreased from 20% to 16%. This trend indicates that an influx of non-White peoples from developing nations will lead to lasting demographic changes. Stoddard also served as a model for the character Goddard, a White Supremacist, in F. Scott Fitzgerald‘s The Great Gatsby.