Was Adolf Hitler a Eurasianist?

by The Fascifist

Introduction

I affirm that Adolf Hitler indeed harbored Eurasianist ambitions comparable to Napoleon Bonaparte's, from the moment he assumed power on January 30, 1933. His objective was not to achieve lasting peace with Britain and America — which he deemed impossible due to his geostrategic goals — but to gain the necessary time and resources to build a Germanic civilizational state on par with the United States in North America or Russia in Eurasia. The claim by the Americans and British that Hitler aspired to global dominance had merit; he sought to reshape the "old world" just as Napoleon had a century prior. For both leaders, the foremost adversary was Britain and her global empire. They believed that Europe's security had to be won at the cost of Anglo-American hegemony.

In this essay, I will illustrate how Hitler's ambitions for territorial expansion mirrored those of Napoleon, both aiming to establish empires potent enough to rival the dominance of Britain and the United States. I intend to validate Hitler's credentials as a proponent of Eurasianism by drawing parallels between his inspirations, tactics, and alliances, and the overarching objective of challenging Anglo-American supremacy. The pivotal geopolitical battle for control of Eurasia was fought with differing epicenters: Paris for Napoleon, Berlin for Hitler, and Moscow for Stalin. Yet, their shared endgame was to construct a power capable of offsetting the influence of London and Washington DC. Although it might appear anachronistic to categorize Hitler and the National Socialists under the banner of Duginism, especially considering Alexander Dugin's philosophy emerged much later, there are notable similarities that warrant discussion. With this introduction, let's delve into this compelling topic.

Was Adolf Hitler a Civilizationist?

For those familiar with Zoltanous and my work, the understanding that political ideologies often clash with geopolitical ambitions will not be new. Political expediency sometimes demands actions that stray from ideological purity. When faced with such dilemmas, states may choose to honestly reconcile their ideology with their actions or craft deceptions to justify their chosen course. This dynamic highlights that ideology within statecraft can be both a strength and a weakness, and ultimately, geopolitical pragmatism must prevail, with ideology serving as a means to an end rather than the end itself. Delving into whether Adolf Hitler was a Eurasianist requires an understanding that Hitler, despite outwardly presenting as a republican and adherent to the nation-state concept, was fundamentally a civilizationist, which equates to being an advocate for an empire.

This empire is not one of commercial maritime power like Britain or America, but of a traditional land-based aristocracy akin to Russia or Rome. Being a Eurasianist is synonymous with being a civilizationist; hence, demonstrating that Hitler was a civilizationist moves us closer to determining his Eurasianist stance. Leon Degrelle's account of Hitler's unexpected answer to the question of where his homeland was — saying "Greece" instead of the anticipated "Europe" — hints at Hitler's philosophical depth. This response and further inquiries into his views suggest that Hitler had an idealistic ontology shaping his understanding of history and the evolution of social identity.

In his speech declaring war on the United States on December 11, 1941, Hitler made the following remarks:

“What is Europe, my deputies? There is no geographical definition of our continent, but only an ethnic-national and cultural one. The frontier of this continent is not the Ural mountains, but rather the line that divides the Western outlook on life from that of the East. At one time, Europe was confined to the Greek isles, which had reached even the Nordic tribes, and where the flame first burned that slowly but steadily enlightened humanity. And when these Greeks fought against the invasion of the Persian conquerors, they did not just defend their own small homeland, which was Greece, but that very concept that is now called “Europe”. And then Europe shifted from Hellas to Rome. Roman thought and Roman statecraft combined with Greek spirit and Greek culture. An empire was created, the importance and creative power of which has never been matched, much less surpassed, even to this day. And when the Roman legions defended Italy in three terrible wars against the attack of Carthage from Africa, and finally battled to victory, in this case as well Rome fought not just for herself, but for the Greco-Roman world that then encompassed Europe.

The next invasion against the home soil of this new culture of humanity came from the wide expanses of the East. A horrific storm of cultureless hordes from the center of Asia poured deep into the heart of the European continent, burning, ravaging and murdering as a true scourge of God. On the Catalaunian fields , Roman and Germanic men fought together for the first time (in 451) in a decisive battle of tremendous importance for a culture that had begun with the Greeks, passed on to the Romans, and then encompassed the Germanic peoples.”

— Adolf Hitler's speech on December 11, 1941

From the content of his war declaration speech, we can confidently infer that Hitler held a civilizationist perspective on social identity, evident beyond his articulated nationalism. He seemed to embody a vision that surpassed the narrow confines of rigid nationalism. Hitler's determination to unify the disparate regions of Germany under the banner of "Ein Volk. Ein Reich. Ein Führer" — translated as "one people, one empire, one leader" — suggests that his imperial ambitions were not limited to Germany alone. It is logical, then, that he would seek to extend his empire to encompass additional peoples and territories essential for securing vital resources, thereby fortifying his land power against the pressing threats posed by Britain and America.

At this juncture, one might interject, proposing that the exigencies of a global conflict drove Hitler's territorial and resource acquisitions, and that he did not initially aspire to elevate Germany to the status of a civilization state and empire on par with Britain, France, Russia, and America. Yet, this argument is effectively dismissed by examining his own words at the conclusion of chapter 13 and the onset of chapter 14 in Mein Kampf:

“We National Socialists must go still further: The right to land and soil becomes a duty when a great nation seems destined to go under, unless its land is extended... Germany will either be a world power, or not at all. But in order to become a world power, it needs that size which gives it the necessary importance today, and gives life to its citizens.”

“Therefore we National Socialists have purposely drawn a line through our pre-war conduct of foreign policy. We resume where we left off, six centuries ago. We put an end to the perpetual Germanic march towards the south and west of Europe, and turn our eyes towards the land of the East. We finally shut off the colonial – and trade-policy of pre-war times, and pass over to the land-policy of the future. But when we speak of new land and soil in Europe today, we must principally think of Russia and its subject border states.”

“Our task, and the mission of the National Socialist movement, is to develop the political insight in our people that will enable them to realize that their future aim is not the fulfillment of some new and wildly adventurous March of Alexander, but rather as the industrious labor of the German plow, for which the sword will provide the soil.”

— Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf

These excerpts from Hitler's speeches and writings make it clear that he envisioned Germany as a civilization state — an entity that must rise to the status of a great land power or cease to exist. This decisive stance stemmed from his historical analysis, which posited that great powers, notably the British Empire, would never allow Germany's peaceful ascendance. Hitler believed that Germany had to become a power equal to or greater than Britain or suffer the consequences of inferiority. His geopolitical drive was fueled by the perpetual threat he perceived from Britain, echoing the earlier geopolitical challenges faced by Napoleon Bonaparte, whose strategic legacy profoundly influenced Hitler.

The intellectual contribution of Carl Schmitt, a jurist and political philosopher of the Third Reich, to Hitler's geopolitical vision is a subject of debate. Some argue that Hitler drew inspiration from Schmitt's concept of "large spaces" for geopolitical organization, while others suggest Schmitt refined ideas originating from Hitler. Nonetheless, it is clear that the American doctrine of "Manifest Destiny" had a notable impact on the German concept of "Lebensraum" (living space). Furthermore, it can be argued that geopolitically, Hitler sought to realize a vision akin to that proposed by Count Coudenhove Kalergi in his Pan-European manifesto, subsequently echoed by Pierre Drieu La Rochelle in Fascist Socialism, and Sir Oswald Mosley's Europe a Nation. These ideas collectively influenced the eventual formation of the European Union (EU), which represents a warped culmination of these thinkers' ideas. The current structure of the EU is quite centralized, and there is an argument to be made that without the liberal democratic constraints imposed by the Globalist American Empire, the EU could achieve the vision promoted by Hitler, Coudenhove Kalergi, La Rochelle, or Mosley — a vision of a unified, sovereign civilization-state with Germany at its core. In World War II, the parallel between Germany's geopolitical aims and those of Napoleonic France became evident. The German military campaigns extended into North Africa, the Middle East, and aspirations even stretched towards India, aiming to displace British influence from the region.

An example of a potential multipolar world order had the Axis Powers won the World War 2

How Did Karl Haushofer Influence Adolf Hitler?

Karl Ernst Haushofer, born on August 27, 1869, and passing on March 10, 1946, was a towering figure in German history, serving as a general, professor, geographer, and diplomat. His work on "Geopolitik" significantly influenced the political philosophy of Adolf Hitler. Rudolf Hess, who was also under Haushofer's tutelage, joined Hitler in imprisonment following the failed Beer Hall Putsch. During their time at Landsberg prison, Haushofer visited to provide education and guidance to both Hess and Hitler. Additionally, Haushofer is credited with introducing the term "Lebensraum" for political purposes, a concept that Hitler would later integrate prominently into his political discourse.

From left to right: Adjutant of Alfred Hess Leitgen, Professor Karl Haushofer, Chief Medical Director Dr. Gerhard Wagner, Rudolf Hess and the German ambassador to Sweden, the Prince of Wied

The Haushofer family was recognized for their contributions to art and academia. Karl Ernst Haushofer, born in Munich, was the son of Max Haushofer, a distinguished economics professor, politician, and author of scholarly and literary works. In 1887, Karl Haushofer joined the Bavarian Army's 1st Field Artillery regiment "Prinzregent Luitpold" and completed his military education at the Bavarian War School, Artillery School, and War Academy.

In November 1908, he received orders to proceed to Tokyo as a military attaché to observe the Imperial Japanese Army and to offer artillery instruction as a military advisor. Accompanied by his wife, he journeyed through India and Southeast Asia, arriving in February 1909. There, he was welcomed by Emperor Meiji and established connections with influential figures in Japanese politics and military circles. During the fall of 1909, Haushofer and his wife spent a month in Korea and Manchuria, coinciding with the construction of a railway. They returned to Germany in June 1910 via Russia, arriving a month later. Not long after his return to Bavaria, Haushofer began to experience severe respiratory illness, leading to a three-year leave from military service. His time in Imperial Japan profoundly impacted him and would influence his geopolitical perspective for the rest of his life.

Russian philosopher Alexander Dugin has commented on this aspect of Haushofer's life, noting:

“In Japan, Haushofer saw the clearest example of a traditional society that fully preserved the hierarchy, the military samurai caste system, the values of loyalty and honor, contempt for death and the duty of sacrifice for the sake of the nation – which was seen as something far superior to the individual – as a special spatial ethnic organism, incomparably superior to any concept of an individual.”

— Alexander Dugin quoted in The Way of The Warrior

Haushofer remarked in his own words the following about Japan:

“Japan, the land of the rising sun, the world of Tradition, the cult of ancestors, the cult of the elements - the Sun, the Moon, Water, mountains, streams, groves. The unique etiquette of the samurai. A warlike and heroic nation, mobilized for a common and total service to the highest solar ideal. All this contrasted sharply with what we see in our homeland, in Germany and in Europe as a whole. Cosmopolitan cities, selfishness, capitalism, the market, venality, oblivion of higher ideals. But at the same time, how close is Japan to the romantic soul of a German patriot, in love with German myths and legends, full of nostalgia for that golden feudal age, when Tradition flourished on the European continent — the age of Knights, Holy Empires and Magical Kings.”

— Karl Haushofer quoted in The Way of The Warrior

Alexander Dugin further states this about Haushofer:

“Haushofer's main orientations crystallize precisely in Japan. It is here that the intellectual formation of the one who will soon become the greatest geopolitician of the twentieth century takes place. In Tokyo, Karl Haushofer receives his initiation. He becomes a member of the mysterious Japanese Order of the ‘Green Dragon’, about which so many incredible legends will be spread in the occult circles of the West. The dragon is a symbol, Rene Guenon, undoubtedly the highest authority on the symbolism of the Tradition, emphasizes that in the Far Eastern Tradition, the symbol of the dragon represents ‘Heavenly Logos’, that is, the highest spiritual and therefore purely positive instance of religious cosmology.”

— Alexander Dugin quoted in The Way of The Warrior

During his period of recovery between 1911 and 1913, Haushofer pursued and completed his PhD in philosophy at Munich University, with a dissertation on Japan titled Dai Nihon: Betrachtungen über Groß-Japans Wehrkraft, Weltstellung und Zukunft (Reflections on Greater Japan's Military Strength, World Position, and Future). His expertise in Far Eastern affairs was well-regarded in Germany, and he went on to co-found the geopolitical journal Zeitschrift für Geopolitik (Magazine for Geopolitics), serving as its co-editor until publication ceased near the end of World War II. Once his health improved, Haushofer resumed his military career with Imperial Germany and took up a position teaching War History at the Military Academy in Munich. Haushofer led a brigade on the Western Front during World War I. However, he grew disenchanted with Germany's state of preparedness for war. The entry of the United States into the conflict intensified his animosity towards Americans, whom he described in harsh and derogatory terms, indicating a profound and instinctive disdain.

Haushofer's Anti-American sentiment was entwined with Anti-Semitism, a common pairing in Germany at the time. Despite being married to Martha, a woman of Jewish descent, he expressed virulently anti-Semitic views in his correspondence, accusing Jews of disloyalty and war profiteering. Haushofer believed that Germany's redemption required a strong and magnetic leader, and he expressed his readiness to support a "Caesar" figure who could utilize his capabilities. Following his retirement from the army with the rank of Major General in 1919, Haushofer developed a significant relationship with Rudolf Hess, who worked as his research assistant. Hess would later ascend to a prominent position within the Nazi party, becoming Hitler's deputy. Haushofer's influence on Hess — and through him, on Nazi ideology — would leave an indelible mark on German history.

Karl Haushofer on the left and Rudolf Hess on the right

In 1919, Karl Haushofer completed his second doctoral thesis and began teaching as a private lecturer for political geography at the Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich. By 1933, he was appointed a professor, although he declined a formal appointment and salary to avoid affecting his military pension. Haushofer's academic pursuits were driven by a desire to help Germany recover and strengthen itself. He attributed Germany's World War I defeat in part to inadequate geographical and geopolitical insight, which resulted in unfavorable alliances. He pioneered "Geopolitik," an interdisciplinary approach that wove together geography, history, economics, demography, political science, and anthropology. Haushofer's work emphasized the concept of the state as an organism shaped by geography and history, leading to his introduction of the term "Lebensraum,” which became central to Hitler's expansionist aims.

Following Hitler's imprisonment due to the unsuccessful "Beer Hall Putsch" in 1923, Haushofer began mentoring both Hitler and his devoted follower, Rudolf Hess, while they were incarcerated at Landsberg Prison. Dedicating himself to their tutelage, Haushofer made regular visits to provide in-depth political and philosophical education, which Hitler absorbed eagerly. Every Wednesday for several months in 1924, Haushofer traveled from Munich to Landsberg to engage with his "young eagles," Hess and Hitler, offering detailed guidance that would influence the future direction of National Socialism. His reputation as a respected general and academic lent significant weight to his teachings.

From 1925 to 1931 and again from 1933 to 1939, Haushofer was a familiar voice on German radio, providing monthly broadcasts on the global political climate. This exposure made him well-known beyond academic circles. As a founding member and president (1934-1937) of the Deutsche Akademie, he was a prolific author on various subjects, especially Asia, and provided Nazi leaders and German military officials with his writings. Even after the Nazis came to power, Haushofer maintained his relationship with Hess. Preceding World War II, he played a key role in fostering the alliance between Japan and the Axis powers, aligning with the ideas presented in his influential book Geopolitics of The Pacific Ocean.

“Karl Haushofer closely associates with the Japanese samurai elite. He discusses the secret of the origin of samurai traditions, learns about the strange proximity of ancient Japanese symbols with the runic signs of the European North, Haushofer's homeland. Gradually, before his eyes, a whole picture of the ancient unity is built, some kind of forgotten civilization of heroes and warriors, uniting the expanses of Eurasia in a single spiritual political synthesis. This is how Haushofer laid the foundations for what would later become his life's work. The theory of the geopolitical unification of Eurasia into a continental bloc — from the Azores to Tokyo.”

— Alexander Dugin quoted in The Way of The Warrior

Karl Haushofer was a staunch proponent of Eurasianism, espousing the geopolitical imperative for an alliance between Germany, Japan, and the lands that lay between them. He was, in many ways, Germany's counterpart to the British geographer Halford Mackinder, yet their ideologies diverged sharply. While Mackinder, a liberal thinker, viewed Asia as a threat to what he termed "English Freedom," Haushofer, with his anti-liberal traditionalist views, saw Asia as the cradle and source of "German Folkism." Whereas Mackinder advocated for Britain to disrupt and dominate Europe as a safeguard against Eastern powers, Haushofer advocated for Germany to unite Europe and advance eastward to defend against Western aggression. This ideological conflict can be framed within the broader context of "Atlanticism vs Eurasianism," where the liberal maritime powers aim to manipulate Europe to gain control over Eurasia, while the illiberal continental powers seek to fortify Europe against the encroachments of "Atlantis" (Britain and America). Europe thus becomes the key strategic theater in the struggle between the progressive, White supremacist West and the traditional, Aryan-influenced East.

On May 29, 1937, during the Spanish Civil War, a duo of Tupolev SB bombers from the Soviet-backed Spanish Republican Air Force attacked Nationalist airfields and the port of Ibiza in the Mediterranean. Launching from Los Alcázares airbase near Cartagena, the bombers mistakenly targeted the German heavy cruiser Deutschland, which was stationed offshore as part of an International Non-Intervention Committee patrol, believing it to be the Nationalist cruiser Canarias. Pilots Captain Anton Progrorin and Lieutenant Vassily Schmidt executed the bombing, resulting in severe damage, the deaths of 31 sailors, and injuries to 74 others. This event became known as the Deutschland Incident. In a communication with Rudolf Hess, Haushofer's son, Albrecht, shared his thoughts on this incident:

"One cannot avoid the conclusion that they (the British) regard neither Italy nor Japan (nor even the Soviet Union) as public enemy number one. They are once again glaring across the North Sea - at Germany."

— David Irving, Hess: The Missing Years 1941-1945

This could be the very reason why a lasting peace with Britain was unachievable, necessitating a conflict of survival between the Western-minded White English and the Eastern-oriented Aryans.

“Hess immediately asked about the possibilities of conveying the Führer's sincere wish for peace to leading British personages. 'It's clear that, if the war goes on, they will be committing suicide ... The Führer neither has nor had any desire to destroy the British empire. Is there anybody in Britain ready to talk peace?’ Haushofer used blunt language in his reply: ‘it was not just the Jews and Freemasons but virtually every Englishman who regarded any treaty signed by Hitler as worthless’. ‘Why?' asked Hess, genuinely puzzled. Haushofer pointed to the broken treaties that littered the last decade. 'In the English speaking world, the Führer is regarded as the devil's deputy on earth.’ When he added that the British would rather convey their empire piecemeal to the Americans than allow Germany to dominate Europe, Hess heatedly asked why. The diplomat pointed out that Churchill himself, being of half-American blood, (like several members of his Cabinet), would have few qualms in that respect. Reverting to Hess's original question, he said, 'My view is that the British who have property they stand to lose, that is the more calculating elements of the plutocracy, are those likely to talk about peace, but even these will only regard peace as a temporary truce.' To this Hess responded, 'Do you think our feelers haven't been getting through to them — that we have been using the wrong language?' It was obvious that he was referring to Ribbentrop (who wanted to instead ally with the Soviets and maintain a friendship with Stalin).”

— David Irving, Hess: The Missing Years 1941-1945

Hitler subscribed to Eurasianist ideas, and National Socialism was his way of actualizing a geopolitical countermeasure against the modern, Western-influenced world led by Britain and America. Haushofer envisioned liberating the "three great future peoples" — the Germans, Russians, and Japanese — from the chokehold prepared by Anglo-Saxon powers. He believed that the vigor of the "Russian bear" ought to be directed southward towards India, without encroaching upon German territories in the West or Japanese domains in the East. To Haushofer, the pervasive "dollar imperialism" represented the foremost external adversary ever since Germany's humiliation at Versailles. Despite his mixed feelings about the Bolshevik regime in Moscow — rejecting its methods but acknowledging its role in freeing Russia and potentially other nations from the "enslavement of banks and capital" — Haushofer's geopolitical vision was clear.

“The day the Germans, Japanese and Russians unite will be the last day of Anglo-Saxon hegemony.”

— Karl Haushofer quoted in The Way of The Warrior

Reflecting on these insights leads to the undeniable conclusion that Adolf Hitler was a Eurasianist profoundly shaped by his geopolitical mentor, Karl Haushofer. It becomes evident that National Socialism was an ideology with an "Eastern worldview," though cloaked in the guise of Western modernism and terminology, yet fundamentally traditional and anti-Western at its core. The Germans perceived in the Japanese not merely a strategic ally, but a kindred spirit bound by a common fate — a connection rooted in the spiritual and volitional dimensions, contrasting sharply with the foreign nature of Britain and America. The foundational principle of the National Socialist ideology — blood and soil — ties Europe, Eurasia, and Asia together through a shared land that molds the character of its peoples. It is Britain and America, separated by the English Channel and the Atlantic Ocean, whose maritime spirits starkly oppose those of the East. Haushofer contended that it is not Eurasia that threatens Europe but Atlantis, and for Europe to defend itself effectively, the Eurasianist vision must be realized. Hitler acknowledged this imperative, becoming the executor of Haushofer's geopolitical strategies.

Omar Amine, who previously went by the name Claudio Mutti, is an Italian philosopher with Nazi-Maoist leanings, a political analyst, and an associate of Franco Freda and Alexander Dugin. He posits that German geopolitical goals must disavow the "White race," which he categorizes as English, American, and Jewish, labeling it as antithetical to National Socialism.

He asserts:

"Not only 'anti-Semites' like Wagner and Chamberlain but also Jews like Weininger noted the relationship between the English type and the Jewish type if we are to judge by the 'origin myth' that affirms that they are both the descendants of the Israelites. It would be better to abandon the unrealistic views of those—within National-Socialism—who are filled with illusions of gaining England to their own side (a nation indisputably of the 'white race'—but the Jews and the Yankees are as well!) to the benefit of German geopolitical projects."

— Omar Amine quoted in The Disintegration of The System by Franco Freda

Lastly, I suggest watching the accompanying video to gain a deeper comprehension of the topics discussed here.

On Haushofer’s views and how it relates to Dugin