Peronism Is Fascism
by Judas and Zoltanous
Introduction
In the arena of political debate, a common perspective held by many on the Left tends to downplay fascism as simply an "irrational" phenomenon or merely a capitalist reaction to the rise of communism. This perspective aims to diminish the significant role fascism has played in global history. Amidst this discourse, Juan Domingo Perón, the former President of Argentina, stands out as a figure who defies easy categorization, continuing to spark intense discussions among both his advocates and detractors. Perón’s complex legacy still wields considerable influence on Argentina’s political scene today.
Perón’s charismatic leadership cut across ideological lines, attracting a broad spectrum of followers, from radical traditionalists to communists and liberals, each group eager to lay claim to the true essence of Peronism and interpret his legacy through their own lens. It is somewhat intriguing to see liberals champion Perón as a radical reformer, while communists try to embrace him as one of their revered figures.
The historical evidence, however, contradicts these portrayals. Perón was not an ally of communism; he actively suppressed and persecuted communists when he had the chance. When he returned from his exile, self-identified Peronists were among those who vehemently opposed him, highlighting the contradictions within the movement. Additionally, there are those with a more sophisticated grasp of Peronism who argue that Perón’s ideology was a watered-down, more palatable form of fascism. However, such assessments tend to oversimplify Perón’s political philosophy and actions, which I will aim to elucidate more comprehensively as this discussion unfolds.
Peronism Is Fascism
To begin, let's examine a couple of quotes by Perón that provide insight into his ideology and views:
“Italian Fascism led popular organizations to an effective participation in national life, which had always been denied to the people. Before Mussolini’s rise to power, the nation was on one hand and the worker on the other, and the latter had no involvement in the former. […] In Germany happened exactly the same phenomenon, meaning, an organized state for a perfectly ordered community, for a perfectly ordered population as well: a community where the state was the tool of the nation, whose representation was, under my view, effective. I thought that this should be the future political form, meaning, the true people’s democracy, the true social democracy"
— Juan Perón quoted in Los mitos de la historia argentina by Felipe Pigna
“Mussolini was the greatest man ever century, but he committed certain disastrous errors. I, who have the advantage of his precedent before me, shall follow in his footsteps but also avoid his errors.”
— Juan Perón quoted in Argentina, 1943-1979: The National Revolution and Resistance by Donald C. Hodges
“Justicialism and Falangism are the same thing separated only by space, which is why I am flattered by your Falangist words that, for us, sound like camaraderie.”
— Juan Perón, Letter to Rafael García Serrano, December 21, 1963
Perón in Fascist Italy
Perón commends Italian Fascism and German organization for integrating workers into national life, a participation he sees as previously denied, which he believes should be the model for a true people's democracy. He also regards Mussolini as a great, yet flawed, leader whose mistakes he aims to avoid while following his general path. Lastly, Perón equates his Justicialism with Falangism, expressing a sense of kinship and is pleased by the shared sentiments between the ideologies. Perón's ideology can be seen as a variant of Italian-style Fascism, modified to suit the unique circumstances of Argentina. However, due to Perón's enigmatic persona and his ideology centered around "Perón” as a personality, the interpretation of his policies and actions remains open to debate.
Perón was known for his political adaptability, aligning with groups as diverse as the left-wing Montoneros and the right-wing Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance, casting doubts on the consistency of his ideology. His early political influences were shaped by the labor movements of the 1930s in Argentina and his observations of Mussolini's Italy, which he saw as a model for integrating the working class into the nation-state. Although inspired by Mussolini's Fascism, Perón aimed to correct its shortcomings and developed Justicialism, a doctrine combining social justice and nationalism. He aspired to eliminate class conflict in favor of national unity, echoing themes similar to Italian Fascism's distinction between 'parasites' and 'producers.' In the late 1940s, his concept of the 'Third Position' emerged, positioning Justicialism as an alternative to capitalism and communism, which even influenced some Italian Fascist factions during the Years of Lead. Perón's ideology, therefore, appears to be a personalized variant of fascism, fine-tuned to address Argentina's unique social and political challenges.
The phrase "social justice," may conjure images of zealous activists advocating for the latest controversial social trends promoted by influential societal figures and political elites. However, the Peronist vision of social justice stands in stark contrast to this contemporary caricature. It represents the heart and soul of Peronism, embodying its most noble and compelling attributes.
“We are forming a social conscience based on the three postulates of our social justice: in ethics, firstly, the elevation of social culture, secondly, bestowing dignity on labour, and thirdly, the humanisation of capital.“
— Juan Perón quoted in Perón and Perónism by Kerry Bolton
Peronism advocates for a cohesive national community in Argentina, a unity shaped by the principles of Roman Catholic social teachings, ancient Greek philosophy, and Juan Perón's observations of fascism in Italy. Perón believed that the foundation of a strong society lay in the twin pillars of social justice and economic independence, asserting that the former could not be achieved without the latter. For Perón and other Justicialist theorists, economic independence necessitated the nationalization of banks to shield the Argentine economy from external influences, whether from initiatives like the Marshall Plan, international entities such as the IMF, or domestic collaborators serving these foreign interests, whom he referred to as Sepoys. This strategy of nationalization provided Perón with the flexibility he needed to navigate domestic economic policy, despite the disruptive efforts of Sepoy infiltrators.
Perón defined social justice as the harmonization of various societal interests, including the reconciliation of labor with capital, moving away from individualistic concepts of property towards a communal understanding, among other things. This vision of social justice stands in contrast to the materialist and bourgeois ethics of contemporary "social justice warriors," who, according to Perónist thought, embody the most negative aspects of individualism. Their activism, though often censorious, is rooted in self-centered ideologies of personal fulfillment and expression. Their suppression of dissenting viewpoints is essentially a defense mechanism for their individualistic beliefs, which do not tolerate disagreement. In a way, these modern activists exemplify what Karl Popper, a Jewish political theorist and liberal, termed the "paradox of tolerance" – the contradiction of being intolerant under the guise of absolute tolerance.
Perón's adoption of Mussolini's corporatist model lends credence to the view that Justicialism mirrored European Fascism. Perón's concept of the Corporate State was influenced by the social doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church and an Aristotelian view of the State as an entity that is greater than the sum of its parts. This philosophy posits that the State, much like an organism, should manage its various components in pursuit of the collective welfare. Society is thus managed as one might view the human body, with each part holding equal importance and working in harmony to ensure the overall health of the system. This idea finds echoes in Christian theology, specifically in the writings of St. Paul in 1 Corinthians 12:12-18, where he describes the Church as a body with many parts, each indispensable to the whole.
“...political society as a body governed by the immutable laws of harmony: heart, digestive system, muscles, will, brain, are in the simile of Plato bodies happily taken by their functions and purposes of collective biology: A State of Justice, where each class exercises their functions in the service of all. The whole, with a central proposition of law, as a law of harmony, the human body, predominated over singularities on the Greek political horizon, which is also the first political horizon of our civilization.”
— Juan Perón quoted in Perón and Perónism by Kerry Bolton
Perón's vision of Corporatism took shape through the establishment of a national syndicalist economic structure. While he faced temporal limitations that prevented the full realization of his plans, significant progress was made by 1952, with the formation of 2,000 agricultural cooperatives encompassing over 750,000 members. These cooperatives enjoyed access to state-sponsored credit and priority allocation of agricultural equipment. The labor unions underwent a transformation in this context, shedding the Marxist and capitalist narratives of class warfare to become integral elements of a cohesive community, reminiscent of the way labor was incorporated into the nation in fascist regimes.
In Perón's economic framework, entities such as unions and syndicates played a pivotal role in shaping Argentina's economic destiny. Control over the means of production was vested in these collective bodies, rather than in state hands or with individuals. Syndicate members were not just workers but stakeholders, which contrasted sharply with the detached and often exploitative political party representations workers were accustomed to. This model sought to empower the working class, or the "shirtless ones" as affectionately termed by Evita, providing them with a more organic form of representation. Despite these systemic changes, a strong personality cult emerged around Perón and his wife, Evita. Evita's dedication to the less privileged earned her enduring adoration among Argentines, particularly within the labor unions. Such is her lasting impact that there have even been calls for her canonization, with trade union movements petitioning the Catholic Church to recognize her as a saint.
Yet, Justicialism's unique traits and Perón's development of a strong personal following allowed for the distortion of his original ideas over time. After Perón was deposed, his wife, Isabel Perón, assumed leadership, marking the end of an era of authentic Peronist leadership. Despite the transformations of Peronism after Perón, the enduring influence and significant accomplishments of his tenure mark it as a formidable chapter in Latin American political history. Under Perón's leadership, a robust system of trade unions emerged across various industries, buoyed by state support and encouragement. As a result, the labor movement gained momentum, exemplified by the General Confederation of Labour's readiness to call strikes to secure worker benefits and compliance with labor laws. These strikes, escalating from 1945 through 1947, were pivotal in enacting labor reforms but also entrenched opposition from major employers. Union membership swelled to over 2 million by 1950, with the CGT at the forefront, making Argentina's workforce one of the most unionized in South America.
Perón's era was marked by a remarkable expansion of social welfare, with social security coverage escalating to reach 70% of the active workforce by 1951. His administration rolled out extensive social initiatives, including free education for those meeting the criteria, affordable housing projects, and guaranteed paid vacations for all workers. Healthcare provisions, support for mothers, and recreational facilities were also significant aspects of Perón's social policies. Economically, Perón's government took a decisive step by nationalizing the Central Bank, clearing a substantial debt with the Bank of England and asserting greater autonomy over Argentina's financial policies. This action was part of a larger economic nationalism drive aimed to fortify domestic industries and minimize external economic dependencies.
Perón's tenure was characterized by a focus on strengthening the working class, leading to a substantial increase in real wages, which rose by 22% from 1945 to 1949. Despite a brief decline between 1949 and 1952, wages rebounded and were at least 30% higher by 1955 compared to 1946. The share of national income received as wages also improved, climbing from 41% in the 1946-1948 period to 49% between 1952 and 1955. Moreover, in a historic move for Argentina, Perón's administration extended voting rights to women in 1947, with Eva Perón playing an instrumental role in this advancement by founding and leading the Female Peronist party, thereby integrating feminist ideals into the Peronist movement.
“I firmly believe that women - contrary to the common opinion held by men - live better in action than in inactivity.”
— Eva Perón, Women and Action
The Eva Perón Foundation undertook the mission of establishing School Homes (Hogares Escuela) for children from disadvantaged backgrounds—those whose parents reached out to Evita for help, as well as orphans and those who were neglected. These institutions were set up in regions marked by significant economic hardship, and they were designed with open, low hedges to ensure inclusivity and connection with the broader community. The foundation promoted the maintenance of family ties for the children staying at the Hogares Escuela. To support the children and their families, social workers were appointed to assist both during and after the children's time at the homes. Additionally, the well-being of each child was a priority, with scheduled medical examinations every two months after they were admitted. When Perón was deposed and the subsequent government initiated an inquiry into the Foundation's operations, investigators found themselves unexpectedly impressed by the high standard of care provided to children they deemed "low-class."
“The attention given to the minors was varied and almost sumptuous. We can even say that it was excessive and not at all in accordance with the norms of the sobriety of a Republic which should form its children in austerity. Poultry and fish were included in the varied daily menus. As for the [children’s] clothing, it was renewed every six months and the old clothing destroyed.”
— Kerry Bolton, Perón and Perónism
The Eva Perón Foundation was notable for its ability to operate effectively without bureaucratic hindrance. Its formal inception came through a congressional decree in 1948, but its roots can be traced back to Perón's tenure as Secretary of Labor from 1943 to 1945. During this period, Perón began engaging directly with individuals seeking aid, a practice Evita fervently continued and expanded upon once Perón became president in 1946. She and her team dedicated themselves to assembling relief packages for those in need. The Foundation rapidly emerged as the central channel for social welfare in Argentina, paying particular attention to the working class, children, and the elderly. To accommodate individuals facing urgent hardship, the Foundation set up Emergency Homes as temporary shelters until their problems could be resolved, with mothers and children receiving priority. Evita even contributed many of the gifts she had acquired on her European tour to these homes, including luxury items like furniture and fine art. The other homes under the Foundation received similar contributions.
The typical stay at these homes lasted around eight days, during which time the Foundation's social workers endeavored to address the residents' housing, employment, or health issues. The support provided went beyond tangible needs, encompassing emotional and spiritual guidance. Medical aid, financial assistance, and clothing were distributed, with sewing workshops for women and entertainment activities for children like movies and craft sessions. There were clothing sections where guests could select garments, and children enjoyed access to well-equipped playgrounds under the supervision of professional caregivers.
On August 28, 1948, Evita declared a decalogue of rights for senior citizens, which were subsequently incorporated into the Peronist Constitution of 1949. These rights ensured:
The right to assistance and to protection
The right to housing
The right to food
The right to clothing
The right to health care
The right to spiritual care
The right to entertainment
The right to work
The right to tranquillity, free from anguish and worry
The right to respect
On October 17, 1948, the Eva Perón Foundation established a residence for senior citizens named Hogar Colonel Perón. This facility, located in Buenos Aires and sprawling across 80 acres, was equipped with a range of amenities including a cinema, libraries, and various workshops. It also offered its residents the opportunity to engage in paid work, with 80% of the occupants participating. Work options ranged from tasks on an eco-friendly farm and in a print shop to weaving, other artisanal crafts, and even roles such as librarians or musicians for those who preferred voluntary activities. By 1950, the Argentine Congress had begun issuing pensions to the elderly, complementing the Foundation's own initiative from 1949 to provide financial assistance to Argentinian seniors aged 60 and over who were in need.
The 1949 Peronist Constitution of Argentina, proclaimed by President General Juan Perón on February 24, 1947, included a comprehensive Workers' Bill of Rights aimed at affirming the essential rights associated with labor and personal freedoms to avert social conflicts and guide individual and public actions towards a more just society. The document underscored the Right to Work, emphasizing society's responsibility to protect this right and ensure employment for all, recognizing work as a means to fulfill both spiritual and material needs and the basis for prosperity. It also acknowledged the Right to Fair Remuneration, mandating that workers should receive moral and material compensation commensurate with their contributions and efforts. Moreover, the constitution highlighted the Right to Capacitation, asserting the need for cultural and professional advancement by providing equal opportunities for education and self-improvement. It also established the Right to Appropriate Working Conditions, asserting that workers are entitled to fair and adequate conditions that respect their dignity and the social function of their work.
It recognized the Right to the Preservation of Health, ensuring safe working environments with reasonable demands and rest periods for recovery. The Right to Welfare was declared, entitling workers to a standard of living that allows for adequate shelter, clothing, food, and the ability to meet family needs without undue distress. The constitution guaranteed the Right to Social Security, obliging society to provide unilateral protection or promote aid systems for workers experiencing a decrease or loss in their capacity to work. It also protected the Right to the Protection of His Family, encouraging society to support the welfare of the family unit as a cornerstone for human improvement and moral principles. Furthermore, it included the Right to Better Economic Conditions, encouraging individual initiatives aimed at economic betterment and supporting the use of capital for productive purposes that contribute to overall prosperity. Finally, it upheld the Right to the Defense of Professional Interests, asserting that workers have an essential right to unionize and partake in activities for defending their professional interests, which society must respect and safeguard. In essence, these rights were established to dignify labor, humanize capital, and create a balance in the economy, forming the bedrock of Peron's social legislation and vision for Argentina's future. Perón's reforms echo aspects of the social welfare and recreational programs of Nazi Germany, which resonated with the progressive cultural agenda of the time.
Peronism placed significant emphasis on the role of the Roman Catholic religion in shaping the Argentine nation's future, to the extent that the 1949 Peronist Constitution required all presidents to be Roman Catholics. Juan Perón's political ideology was deeply influenced by Catholic social teachings, particularly those found in the encyclical Rerum Novarum, which promotes the concept of class cooperation—a principle that aligned with the fascist corporatism Perón implemented.
While Perón faced criticism for his later treatment of the Roman Catholic Church, which contributed to the coup that ousted him in 1955, it's noteworthy that Perón recognized his error in confronting the Church and even offered to resign to placate them. Antonio Plaza, the Archbishop of La Plata, suggested that Perón was coerced by Masonic influences into opposing the Church. Nevertheless, the antagonism was also fueled by Catholic laypeople, who formed the Christian Democratic party in 1954 with the aim of supplanting Peronism, prompting Perón to act to defend the Peronist State—a move that can be seen as either self-serving or as acting in the national interest.
This period strained Perón's relationship with the Church, which had previously supported his movement. The Church's backing of the 1955 coup led to his 18-year exile. There is debate over Perón's excommunication; while a decree was issued for the excommunication of those responsible for the expulsion of Bishop Tato, it didn't specify individuals. Fr. Pedro Bandanelli argued that according to Canon Law, only the Pope could excommunicate a head of state, and Perón did not receive such a decree from Pope Pius XII. Nevertheless, Perón sought to reconcile, writing to Pope John XXIII to express his contrition in case he was indeed excommunicated.
Before these events, Evita, Perón's wife, was granted an audience with Pope Pius XII during her European tour, an encounter that highlighted the Church's initial endorsement of the Peróns. The Pope gifted her a rosary, and Perón received a papal decoration the following day, signaling the Vatican's recognition of their leadership. Despite Perón's occasional anticlerical stance and his intolerance for dissent, the influence of Roman Catholicism, and the philosophies of Thomas Aquinas and Aristotle as interpreted by Aquinas, remained significant in his governance. When faced with potential abdication over his treatment of the Church, Perón's resignation was ultimately refused by the Partido Justicialista and the CGT, who demonstrated until he rescinded his offer to step down, reflecting the complexity of his relationship with religious authority and his political party's support.
The notion of democracy presented a potential risk to the stability of the Peronist State in Argentina. Despite this, Perón confidently allowed for democratic elections, and his faith in the electorate was rewarded when he secured his second term with a commanding 60% majority. However, some may argue that it was an unnecessary gamble to expose the state to the uncertainties of a democratic process, especially since Perón had already consolidated considerable power in his own hands. His decision to proceed with elections reveals a complex interplay between his desire for popular legitimacy and the inherent risks involved.
The issue of how to deal with traitors is another matter that highlights a fundamental difference in perspectives. Following the failed coup attempt in 1951 led by General Benjamin Menéndez, there were calls for the execution of those involved. Perón, however, chose a path of non-violence, famously stating that he would not allow his hands to be stained with the blood of another. This stance reflects a moral or ethical judgment that is at odds with those who believe that certain circumstances, such as betrayal against the state, warrant a more severe and violent response. Perón's rejection of capital punishment in this instance illustrates his reluctance to use violence as a means of political retribution, aligning with a more humanitarian approach to governance, even in the face of treachery. His attempt to avoid the pitfalls of Mussolini's rule could not prevent a similar downfall; in 1955, with U.S. backing, reactionary forces deposed him, leading to his exile until a brief return to power in 1973, before his death.
Conclusions
In this preliminary examination of Peronism under Juan Perón, I argue that his governance brought notable benefits to Argentina, despite his flaws. While acknowledging that Perón was not without error, it is essential to appreciate his leadership qualities and the positive contributions he made to the nation. The ideological fragmentation that emerged after Perón's death has resulted in varied interpretations of his legacy, complicating the coherence of his original principles.
Scholars like Carlos Fayt have debated whether Peronism reflects a unique form of Argentine fascism, noting that some of Perón's associates had Nazi sympathies and that corporatism was a significant component of his administration. Criticism of Perón came from multiple perspectives: socialists condemned his so-called capitalist exploitation, conservatives opposed his progressive reforms, and liberals criticized his authoritarian tendencies. After his departure from office, capitalist policies regained prominence, often overshadowing the core values of authentic Peronism. Nevertheless, Perón's vision and influence continue to resonate in Argentina's history, marking an enduring legacy that invites ongoing interpretation.
You should really do more stuff on Justicialism!